Education Next https://www.educationnext.org A Journal of Opinion and Research About Education Policy Thu, 25 May 2023 15:00:29 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=5.4.2 https://www.educationnext.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/e-logo-1.png Education Next https://www.educationnext.org 32 32 181792879 Choice Reconsidered https://www.educationnext.org/choice-reconsidered-rethink-school-choice-avoid-either-or-thinking-great-school-rethink-excerpt/ Wed, 31 May 2023 09:00:59 +0000 https://www.educationnext.org/?p=49716668 Rethink school choice to avoid either-or thinking and instead ask how expanding options might help meet the needs of students and families and empower educators.

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A closeup of two hands weaving fabric on a loom
Educational choice has been woven into the fabric of American education from the nation’s earliest days.

Discussions of school choice frequently fall into familiar morality plays: Either you’re for empowering parents or supporting public education. The resulting debate manages to miss much of what matters. It ignores that all kinds of choices are hard-wired into American public education. It skips past the fact that the affluent already choose schools when purchasing homes, so the debate is really about the options available to everyone else.

Families want more options, but that fact doesn’t mean they dislike their local schools (much less, that they’re eager to flee them). In 2022, for instance, more than three-quarters of parents said that they were satisfied with their child’s experience in a public district school even as more than seven in ten endorsed education savings accounts, school vouchers, and charter schools. In short, parents overwhelmingly like both their child’s public school and school choice policies. They don’t see a tension here.

How can that be? How do we reconcile parent support for more choices with affection for their local public schools? It’s not hard, really. Parents want alternatives when it comes to scheduling, school safety, or instructional approach. They want to be able to protect their kids from bullies or from school practices they find troubling. At the same time, though, they also value schools as community anchors, they like their kid’s teachers, and they may live where they do precisely because they like the local schools.

Families can embrace options without wanting to abandon their local public schools. The notion that one is either for empowering parents or supporting public education is a misleading one. Real parents don’t think this way.

So, how does a Rethinker approach the school choice debate? It helps to start not with sweeping ideological claims but by asking how expanding options might work for students, meet the needs of families, and empower educators.

Choice Is Woven Into the Fabric of American Schooling

Amidst today’s partisan sniping, it can be easy to forget that educational choice has been woven into the fabric of American education from the nation’s earliest days. During the colonial era, it was presumed that most children would get only a rudimentary education and that only a tiny handful of affluent white families would choose to have their sons pursue more formal education (often to prepare for the ministry). Schools were routinely located in churches, and local church leaders were charged with choosing the schoolteacher. In that era, the notion that there was any tension between parental choice, the role of religion, and public provision would’ve been deemed an odd one!

In recent decades, as charter schools have grown to enroll more than 3 million students, the tapestry of options has grown to increasingly include scholarship (or voucher) programs, education savings accounts, microschools and learning pods, course choice options, hybrid homeschooling, and more.

Thinking More Expansively About Choice

Choice isn’t only an integral part of the American education landscape—it’s embedded in public schools themselves. From start to finish, schooling is a stew of choices made by parents, students, educators, system officials, and policymakers. Parents choose whether to send their children to pre-K, when to start kindergarten, or whether to opt their child out of sex education. Students choose groups and activities, which electives to take, and what book to read for a book report. Teachers choose where to apply for a job, which materials they use, and how to deliver instruction. District staff choose policies governing discipline, curricula, field trips, and attendance zones.

Outside of school, we take for granted that families will choose childcare providers, pediatricians, dentists, babysitters, and summer programs. Indeed, many such choices involve parents or guardians making decisions that are subsidized by government funds. And the choices they make will have big implications for a child’s health, well-being, upbringing, and education.

The same options that appeal to families can empower teachers and school leaders who feel stuck in unresponsive schools or systems. Educators, like parents, can value public education while wanting more opportunities to find or create learning environments where they’ll be free from entrenched rules, regulations, contract provisions, and customs.

The Lessons of Learning Pods

Book cover of The Great School RethinkLearning pods offer one intriguing way to rethink the boundary between schooling, tutoring, and study groups. A learning pod is a handful of students who study together, under the auspices of a tutor, outside of a traditional school setting (mostly to augment school-based instruction rather than replace it). Learning pods leapt into the public eye during the pandemic, as families caught up in remote learning sought to provide their kids an organized, intimate, and supportive environment.

Now, learning pods might be an artifact of Covid-19 and easy to see as a bit of a “that-was-then” time capsule. Fair enough. Even if that ultimately proves to be the case, though, there are some terrific takeaways here.

The tens of thousands of learning pods that emerged across the country were most commonly described as something akin to sustained, high-intensity tutoring. Kids got customized attention in a comfortable, face-to-face environment. While learning pods may have been largely a makeshift response, more than half of families and three-quarters of instructors said they preferred their pod experiences to prior experiences in school.

Researchers studying learning pods found that, by 3-to-1, parents said that their kids felt more “known, heard, and valued” than they had in school and that, by 2-to-1, children were more engaged in their learning. Contrasting the intimate pod experience with the “anonymity” of school, one parent explained, “There’s no getting lost in this. In the pod, there’s no sneaking by without getting your work done like there would be in school.”

So, are pods a good idea? It depends. It depends on what they’re used for and how they’re constructed. But it’s not hard to imagine them providing more intensive support or an alternative learning environment for students who are struggling in a conventional classroom. School systems could help interested parents find one another, connect with local resources, and locate a qualified instructor; such aid could be especially valuable for low-income or non-English speaking families, who might find the option appealing but struggle to organize or finance learning pods on their own.

Microschools and Charter Teachers

Microschools are really small schools which provide the occasion to radically rethink the teacher’s role and the contours of the schoolhouse. Microschools typically have a few dozen students (or even fewer), who usually attend in person. The schools employ one (or a handful) of teachers to lead instruction. Unlike most learning pods, microschools aren’t supplemental programs; they are a child’s school.

For students lost amidst the oft-impersonal rhythms of institutional life, the intimate scale can be reassuring. This kind of environment may be a better fit for students who struggle with discipline or behavior in a conventional classroom. It also can allow for more personalization, parent-teacher collaboration, or advanced learning than the standard schoolhouse allows.

At the same time, microschools pose a host of challenges. How do they handle infrastructure? Teacher absences? Coverage of a full curriculum? What would it look like for school or system leaders to have the ability to arrange for internal microschools? The answers are very much a work in progress.

One particular version of microschooling is the “charter teacher” model, which would enable teachers to get state-granted authorization to operate autonomous classrooms within traditional district schools. Charter teachers would have wide latitude to hire assistants, choose how many students to instruct, decide how many classes they’d teach, and determine their own instructional model. Teachers would agree to be held accountable for student outcomes and only teach students whose parents choose to enroll their child with that teacher.

For a sense of how this might work, consider the pediatric model. Pediatricians typically work in partnerships, have a significant say when it comes to scheduling and hiring support staff, and choose how many patients to serve. At the same time, of course, patients are free to choose their pediatric practice and their pediatrician. (In one sense, the “charter teacher” approach simply democratizes access to the “choose-your-teacher” machinations regularly employed by connected parents who know how to pressure principals and work the system). Teachers disenchanted by large bureaucracies would have new freedom, while more flexible or part-time options could draw former educators back into the profession.

The charter teacher model isn’t currently in use. Putting it into practice would require state officials to establish a process by which teachers could demonstrate professional mastery or a record of high student achievement. Qualified teachers could obtain small grants to launch their own practices, after which they’d be funded on a per pupil basis developed by the school district.

Hybrid Homeschooling

It may be hard to fathom today but, a half-century ago, homeschooling was illegal across most of the U.S. A series of legal and political battles in the 1970s and 1980s changed that. By 2020, more than three million children a year were being homeschooled, a number that increased dramatically during the Covid-19 pandemic. But just what does it mean to “homeschool” a child?

While the term “homeschooling” may bring to mind a picture of a parent and a child sitting at a kitchen table, the reality is that most homeschool families make extensive use of networks, online resources, tutors, and much else. Indeed, the difference between homeschooling and a learning pod (or a microschool) is often just a matter of degree.

In the wake of the pandemic, there was broad interest in education options that incorporate more of what homeschooling provides. In 2022, two-thirds of parents with children in special education said they’d like a school schedule which had their child learning at home at least one day a week (though just 15 percent of parents wanted to do full-time homeschooling). Among other parents, more than half said they’d like to have their child home at least one day a week. Oh, and just over half of teens said they’d like to learn at home at least one day a week.

In other words, lots of parents and students are interested in maintaining some of the parent-child interaction they experienced during the pandemic but don’t want to be “homeschoolers.” Hybrid homeschooling seeks to provide what those families are seeking, with students enrolling in school for part of the week and learning from home for the other part. More than 1,000 hybrid homeschools have emerged across the country in recent years. Many are private schools, others are charter schools, and a handful are part of traditional school districts.

Arrangements can play out in many ways. A hybrid homeschool might have students in the building four days a week, with different classes (or grades) of students learning from home on different days. It might have all students learning at home on Mondays or Wednesdays or on certain mornings or afternoons. Some schools are more prescriptive when it comes to curricula, while others leave more to parent discretion. For younger children, parents generally play a much larger instructional role, while there’s more independent study for older children.

The feasibility of such arrangements depends on the laws of a given state, but school and system leaders may find state policies and federal regulations more accommodating than they’d have thought. In Idaho, for instance, if homeschool students use district programming on even a part-time basis, they’re included in district attendance counts for state funding. This has, not surprisingly, made it easier for districts to support homeschool families. And Idaho is far from alone—at least a dozen states have similar arrangements, although the rules vary with regards to services, student eligibility, and how funding works.

The Possibilities of Course Choice

Another approach to educational choice is course choice. Course choice is a way to move new options into a student’s current school rather than to move a student to a new school.

While some families want to switch schools, I noted a bit earlier that more than 70 percent of parents consistently say they’re satisfied with their child’s school. Of course, this doesn’t mean those parents like everything about their school. Families may want students to stay with friends, familiar teachers, and established routines but also have access to alternative courses. Overall satisfaction with a school doesn’t necessarily reflect satisfaction with the arts program, math curriculum, reading instruction, Advanced Placement offerings, or what-have-you. Even pre-pandemic, parents who liked their school might have still grumbled about these things. Now, with so many students forcibly acclimated to a variety of remote learning options and providers, it seems only sensible that students should be able to take advantage of such options without changing schools.

The notion of “course choice” allows students to tap into instructional options that aren’t available at a student’s school. Course choice gives students the ability to take courses beyond those offered by their local school district. These courses may be offered by neighboring districts, state higher education institutions, virtual learning providers, or specialized tutoring services. Course choice laws typically specify that a portion of the student’s per pupil outlay can be used to pay the costs of enrollment.

Students may be able to access courses in chemistry, constitutional law, or AP calculus even if their school lacks a chemistry teacher, a constitutional law class, or an AP math program. This can be a solution for small schools dealing with staffing constraints, struggling to attract teachers in certain subjects or fields, or where only a tiny number of students want to enroll in a given class.

Course choice programs can come in many flavors. New Hampshire’s “Learn Everywhere” program allows high school students to earn a “certificate of credit” from any program recognized by the state board of education which can demonstrate that students have met the learning objectives.

Course choice allows students in a high school with a short-staffed science department to still study advanced physics. And it can make it possible for students to study robotics or Russian, even if their school lacks the requisite staff. If this all sounds pretty far removed from our heated debates about school choice, you’ve got the idea.

A monument depicting an anchor
Parents value schools as community anchors.

What about Bad Choices?

Parents may make bad choices, just as with day care or dentists. But we also reasonably presume that parents will make better choices when they have better information. So, how can we supply the kind of information that can help parents make good choices?

State tests and other academic assessments are one useful, consistent gauge. While such data is necessary, few parents or teachers think it’s sufficient. Thus, it’s crucial to consider other ways to ensure quality. There is an array of potential tools, including:

  • Professional, systematic ratings of customer satisfaction, something akin to the information reported by sources like J.D. Powers and Associates. These make it easy for consumers to draw on the judgments of other users.
  • Scientific evaluations by credible third parties, such as those offered by Consumer Reports. Such objective evaluations allow experts to put new educational offerings through their paces and then score them on relevant dimensions of performance, as well as price.
  • Expert evaluation of services like those provided by health inspectors (or, in schooling, the famous example of the British School Inspectorate). Such evaluation focuses on examining processes and hard-to-measure outcomes, drawing on informed, subjective judgment.
  • Reports reflecting user experiences—essentially, drawing on the wisdom of crowds. Online providers routinely allow users to offer detailed accounts of the good and bad they’ve experienced, and the public to readily view what they have to say. While these results aren’t systematic or scientific, they are very good at providing context and color.

Of course, even with terrific information, parents can still make bad choices about schooling. But that’s true of pretty much anyone involved in schools: Teachers can make bad choices when deciding how to support a struggling student or design an individualized education program. Administrators can make bad choices when assigning a student to a school or teacher.

Schooling is suffused with choices. We should certainly ask what happens when a parent makes a poor choice. But we must also question the consequences of restrictive policies which limit parents’ ability to find better educational options for their kids.

Rethinking School Choice

It’s odd that the discussion of school choice has so often taken the shape of heated argument, given the intuitive appeal of the idea that all parents (rich and poor alike) should have a say in their kids’ schooling.

Our familiar fights are both distracting and odd. Consider that in a field like healthcare, even those most passionate about universal, publicly funded coverage still believe that individuals should be free to choose their own doctor. In housing, even the most ardent champion of public housing thinks families should get to choose where they live. There’s no debate about whether families should have agency when it comes to such high-stakes decisions in health care or housing. The same logic should apply in schooling. It’s not selfish or risky for parents to want a say in who teaches their kids or where their kids go to school. It’s normal.

It’s downright weird that educational choice has focused so narrowly on students changing schools. After all, we live in an era when extraordinary options have become routinely available.

In the end, the real promise of choice isn’t just that it can help students escape struggling schools. It’s that it can help make room for parents and educators alike to rethink how they want schools to work.

Adapted with permission from Hess, F. M. (2023). The Great School Rethink. Harvard Education Press. 

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Putting Teachers on the Ballot https://www.educationnext.org/putting-teachers-on-the-ballot-raises-fewer-charters-when-educators-join-school-board/ Tue, 30 May 2023 09:00:31 +0000 https://www.educationnext.org/?p=49716557 Raises for teachers, fewer charters when educators join the school board

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Illustration of campaign flyers on a sign

Public K–12 education in the United States is distinctively a local affair: school districts are governed by local boards of education, composed of lay members typically elected in non-partisan elections. These boards have decision-making power over hundreds of billions of public dollars and oversee complex agencies that, in addition to preparing a community’s children for the future, can be the biggest employer in town. Yet we know very little about what factors influence a board’s governance and impact, including the professional backgrounds of elected members.

One profession would seem to have particularly relevant effects: educators. Organizations like the National Education Association and Leadership for Educational Equity, the political arm of Teach for America, are training and supporting their educator members and alumni to run for elected offices. What might be the impacts of such efforts on school board elections, district governance, and student outcomes?

Research focused on boards of directors, which play a similar role in the corporate world, has found that adding members with more industry expertise increases a firm’s value. It stands to reason that electing educators to school boards could have similarly beneficial effects. For example, former classroom teachers or school leaders with firsthand knowledge of common challenges could theoretically make better decisions about teachers’ working conditions and positively influence student performance.

On the other hand, 70 percent of U.S. teachers are members of teachers unions. This raises the possibility that educators serving on school boards could be influenced not only by expertise but also allegiance to union priorities. That could theoretically influence collective bargaining, which is one of the major responsibilities of a school board. Union allegiance could shift bargaining agreements toward union goals, such as increasing teacher salaries or limiting charter-school growth, which may not necessarily benefit students.

We investigate these possibilities in California. State election rules randomize the order of candidates’ names on the ballot, which allows us to estimate the causal effects of an educator serving on a school board. By looking at randomized ballot order, candidate filings, election records, and school district data, we provide the first evidence on how the composition of local school boards affects district resource allocation and student performance.

Our analysis finds no impact on student achievement from an educator serving on a school board; neither average test scores nor high-school graduation rates improve. However, outcomes relevant to union priorities advance. Relative to a district without an educator on the school board, charter-school enrollment declines and the number of charter schools shrinks by about one school on average during an elected educator’s four-year board term.

In addition, each educator elected to a board leads to an increase of approximately 2 percent in teacher pay, while non-instructional salaries remain flat. Benefits spending is stable, while the share of district spending on ancillary services and capital outlays shrinks. We also find that educators are 40 percent more likely than non-educators to report being endorsed by teachers unions.

Despite raising teachers’ salaries, electing an educator to a school board does not translate into improved outcomes for students and has negative impacts on charter schools. We believe this shows that school boards are an important causal channel through which teachers unions can exert influence.

Electing Educators in California

Nationwide, nearly 90,000 members serve on about 14,000 local school boards. These boards have several general responsibilities, which include strategic planning for the district, curricular decisions, community engagement, budgeting, hiring senior administrators, and implementing federal and state programs and court orders. In addition, in nearly all states, school boards determine contracts for instructional staff through collective-bargaining agreements with teachers unions. These negotiations set salary schedules, benefits, work hours, and school calendars. Local school boards also set attendance zone boundaries and, in about three dozen states, authorize and monitor charter schools. In 2020–21, local education agencies accounted for 90 percent of all charter-school authorizers in the U.S. and enrolled 48 percent of the nation’s charter-school students.

While typical in most respects, school district governance in California has several unique characteristics. First, teachers unions are especially influential: 90 percent of California teachers are full voting union members. Second, school boards effectively do not have the power to tax. Under Proposition 13, property-tax collections are capped at 1 percent of assessed value, and assessments are adjusted only when a property is sold. Finally, charter authorization is overwhelmingly a local issue, with about 87 percent of California charters authorized by local school districts. Los Angeles Unified School District is the single biggest local authorizer in the U.S. and enrolls 4 percent of all charter-school students nationwide.

Our analysis is based on records from the California Elections Data Archive for all contested school board elections from 1996 to 2005. The data include each candidate’s vote share, ballot position, electoral outcome, and occupational background. We identify as educators candidates who describe their primary occupation or profession as a teacher, educator, principal, superintendent, or school administrator. Educators account for 16 percent of all 14,150 candidates in contested races and 19 percent of all 7,268 winners during this period.

Almost all school-board members serve four-year terms with staggered contests occurring every two years. The average tenure is seven years, and the average school board has five members. We use candidate-level records to construct yearly measures of school-board composition in each district, including the share of members who are educators. On the average school board, educators account for 18 percent of members. We link school-board rosters with district-level characteristics and charter-school campus and enrollment counts from the federal Common Core of Data, as well as negotiated salary schedules and district finance information from the state Department of Education. To look at impacts on student outcomes, we include average test scores in elementary and middle schools along with high-school graduation rates, also from the state education department.

Investigating Educator Impacts

To estimate the causal effects of an educator being elected to a school board, we need to compare two sets of circumstances: what happens after an elected educator joins the board and what would have happened if the educator had not won. While the effects could appear immediately and persist over time, it is also possible that they only become apparent in the longer run. Our approach therefore must examine the profile of effects over time.

The key challenge we face in making these comparisons is that the school districts that elect educators likely differ from those that do not—and these other differences could be responsible for any policy outcomes that change after an educator’s election. To overcome this challenge, we take advantage of the fact that, under California law, the order in which candidates for elected office appear on the ballot is randomly determined. Our data confirm that candidates who have the good fortune of being listed first on the ballot gain an advantage of 10.3 percentage points of the votes cast in their election. When an educator is listed first, this advantage translates into a 2.3 percentage point increase in the share of the board’s members who are educators. In short, the random assignment of an educator to the top of a ballot will shift a board’s composition.

Armed with this insight, we compare the policy choices of districts where educators are and are not listed first to isolate the causal effects of adding an educator to a school board on student outcomes, district spending, and charter schools. We first look at elementary- and middle-school scores on reading and math tests, as well as high-school graduation rates, and find no impacts.

We then consider teachers’ working conditions and find limited evidence of effects on service days, benefits, or class size. However, when an educator is elected to a school board, teachers’ salaries increase by 2 percent more than they would have otherwise four years after election. These increases apply across the board, for teachers at all levels of education and experience.

Because California school boards cannot raise the tax rate, boards decrease spending on building repairs and services like professional development in order to pay teachers more (see Figure 1). Four years after an educator is elected, a school board has increased the share of spending on certified salaries by 1.3 percentage points and decreased spending on capital outlays and services by 0.6 and 0.7 percentage points, respectively. We do not find evidence for impacts on superintendents’ salaries.

Figure 1: Districts Spend More on Teacher Salaries After an Educator Joins a School Board

In looking at effects on charter schools, the share of district students enrolled in charters declines by three percentage points (see Figure 2). By the end of an elected educator’s four-year term, there are 1.3 fewer charter schools in the district. In a state with an active charter sector serving at least one out of every 10 public-school students, these are sizeable impacts.

Figure 2: Fewer Charters When Educators Serve on Local School Boards

What if a school board includes multiple educators? That could shift the identity of the median board “voter” for a given issue and influence board decisions through deliberations and agenda-setting. To examine these possibilities, we estimate the effects of electing an educator to a school board if it already has a sitting member who is an educator. Our results suggest that this is of limited importance. There are slightly larger negative effects on charter school enrollment, but these are not statistically significant.

We also investigate whether electing an educator to a school board has consequences for subsequent elections and find evidence that it does. In this analysis, we look again at the effect of ballot order. An educator being listed first increases the number of elected educators in that election by 13 percent but decreases the number of elected educators by 9 percent in the next election. Interestingly, educators are no less likely to run in these subsequent elections; those who do run are just less likely to win. The long-term causal effects of electing an additional educator would be even larger in the absence of this electoral dynamic.

The Influence of Teachers Unions

Our findings suggest that educators’ professional expertise on boards does not translate into improvements in student learning. The results are consistent with a rent-seeking framework, in which representation of union interests predicts higher teachers’ salaries and potentially negative effects on student performance. Our own data reveal that educators are 40 percent more likely than non-educators to be endorsed by a teachers union. School board member survey data also indicate a strong positive association between professional experience in education and alignment with union priorities.

We conclude that school boards may be an important causal mechanism for the influence of teachers unions on local education, which points to several avenues for future research. Our ballot-order-based strategy provides a new approach to inferring how the characteristics of candidates causally affect outcomes. A valuable next step would be to analyze candidate-level records of union endorsement. This would facilitate separating out the influence of educators on education production from their possible alignment with teachers unions. Likewise, shifting from aggregate school-level to administrative student records would enable disentangling impacts on student sorting from their effects on education quality. Future work should also focus on broader dimensions of students’ skills and behavior, such as social-emotional attributes and civic engagement.

In summary, the election of an educator to a local school board shifts spending priorities on K–12 public schools, which collectively cost about $800 billion in federal, state, and local tax dollars a year. Yet voter turnout in school-board elections is typically between 5 and 10 percent. While more research is needed, voters don’t need to wait. Our results show just how much these races matter.

Ying Shi is assistant professor at Syracuse University and John G. Singleton is assistant professor at the University of Rochester.

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The Education Exchange: Wisconsin Governor Scott Walker’s Limits on Union Power Pay Off https://www.educationnext.org/the-education-exchange-wisconsin-governor-scott-walkers-limits-on-union-power-pay-off/ Tue, 30 May 2023 08:37:35 +0000 https://www.educationnext.org/?p=49716674 But students learn more only when districts change their salary schedules

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Photo of Barbara BiasiAn Assistant Professor at Yale SOM and a Visiting Assistant Professor at the Einaudi Institute for Economics and Finance, Barbara Biasi, joins Paul E. Peterson to discuss the impacts of Wisconsin’s Act 10, from student performance to teacher pay.

Wisconsin’s Act 10, Flexible Pay, and the Impact on Teacher Labor Markets” is available now at Education Next.

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Stanford Summer Math Camp Defense Doesn’t Add Up, Either https://www.educationnext.org/stanford-summer-math-camp-defense-doesnt-add-up-either/ Wed, 24 May 2023 13:13:26 +0000 https://www.educationnext.org/?p=49716680 Flawed, non-causal research that the proposed California framework embraces

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Photo of Stanford University
Stanford University was the site of a summer math camp whose outcomes were studied.

I thank Jack Dieckmann for reading my critique of the proposed California State Math Framework (“California’s New Math Framework Doesn’t Add Up”) and for writing a response (“Stanford Summer Math Camp Researchers Defend Study”). In the article, I point to scores of studies cited by What Works Clearinghouse Practice Guides as examples of high-quality research that the framework ignores. I also mention and two studies of Youcubed-designed math summer camps as examples of flawed, non-causal research that the proposed California State Math Framework embraces.

I focused on outcomes measured by how students performed on four tasks created by the Mathematical Assessment Research Service. Based on MARS data, Youcubed claims that students gained 2.8 years of math learning by attending its first 18-day summer camp in 2015. Dieckmann defends MARS as being “well-respected” and having a “rich legacy,” but he offers no psychometric data to support assessing students with the same four MARS tasks pre- and post-camp and converting gains into years of learning. Test-retest using the same instrument within such a short period of time is rarely good practice. And lacking a comparison or control group prevents the authors from making credible causal inferences from the scores.

Is there evidence that MARS tasks should not be used to measure the camps’ learning gains? Yes, quite a bit. The MARS website includes the following warning: “Note: please bear in mind that these materials are still in draft and unpolished form.” Later that point is reiterated, “Note: please bear in mind that these prototype materials need some further trialing before inclusion in a high-stakes test.” I searched the list of assessments covered in the latest edition of the Buros Center’s Mental Measurements Yearbook, regarded as the encyclopedia of cognitive tests, and could find no entry for MARS. Finally, Evidence for ESSA and What Works Clearinghouse are the two main repositories for high quality program evaluations and studies of education interventions. I searched both sites and found no studies using MARS.

The burden of proof is on any study using four MARS tasks to measure achievement gains to justify choosing that particular instrument for that particular purpose.

Dieckmann is correct that I did not discuss the analysis of change in math grades, even though a comparison group was selected using a matching algorithm. The national camp study compared the change in pre- and post-camp math grades, converted to a 4-point scale, of camp participants and matched non-participants. One reason not to take the “math GPA data” seriously is that grades are missing for more than one-third of camp participants (36%). Moreover, baseline statistics on math grades are not presented for treatment and comparison groups. Equivalence of the two groups’ GPAs before the camps cannot be verified.

Let’s give the benefit of doubt and assume the two groups had similar pre-camp grades. Are post-camp grade differences meaningful? The paper states, “On average, students who attended camp had a math GPA that was 0.16 points higher than similar non-attendees.” In a real-world sense, that’s not very impressive on a four-point scale. We learn in the narrative that special education students made larger gains than non-special education students. Non-special education students’ one-tenth of a GPA point gain is underwhelming.

Moreover, as reported in Table 5, camp dosage, as measured in hours of instruction, is inversely related to math GPA. More instruction is associated with less impact on GPA. When camps are grouped into three levels of instructional hours (low, medium, and high dosage), effects decline from low (0.27) to medium (0.09) to high (0.04) dosage. This is precisely the opposite of the pattern of changes reported for the MARS outcome—and the opposite of what one would expect if increased exposure to the camps boosted math grades.

The proposed California Math Framework relies on Youcubed for its philosophical outlook on K-12 mathematics: encouraging how the subject should be taught, defining its most important curricular topics, providing guidance on how schools should organize students into different coursework, and recommending the best way of measuring the mathematics that students learn. With the research it cites as compelling and the research it ignores as inconsequential, the framework also sets a standard for what it sees as empirical evidence that educators should follow in making the crucial daily decisions that shape teaching and learning.

It’s astonishing that California’s K-12 math policy is poised to take the wrong road on so many important aspects of education.

Tom Loveless, a former 6th-grade teacher and Harvard public policy professor, is an expert on student achievement, education policy, and reform in K–12 schools. He also was a member of the National Math Advisory Panel and U.S. representative to the General Assembly, International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement, 2004–2012.

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From Harvard, Hope https://www.educationnext.org/from-harvard-hope-recent-education-research-highlights-some-positive-results-along-setbacks-false-starts/ Wed, 24 May 2023 09:00:01 +0000 https://www.educationnext.org/?p=49716662 Recent education research highlights some positive results along with the setbacks and false starts

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The speakers of the the Program on Education Policy and Governance's spring colloquium series.
Speakers of the Program on Education Policy and Governance’s spring colloquium series. Top row, from left: Marguerite Roza, Parag Pathak, Shaun Dougherty, and Emily Hanford. Bottom row, from left: Parker Baxter, Danielle S. Allen, Robert Pondiscio, and Thomas Kane.

The classic grade school writing assignment for the first week of school is “what I did on my summer vacation.” Although, sadly, I’m no longer in grade school and it’s not yet September, what follows is a variation on the theme: “what I learned last semester at the Kennedy School.”

As an academic visitor attached to the Program on Education Policy and Governance, I had the privilege of organizing this spring’s colloquium series, featuring seven speakers from here at Harvard and around the country, addressing a broad range of timely education topics, from fiscal affairs to career-technical education, from early literacy to civics, and school busing to achievement gaps.

Although there isn’t a single thread tying all of these important presentations and discussions together, there are some common themes that emerge. First among them is that there is reason for hope. Specifically, recent research findings point to the fact that some things—in fact many things—are working and producing positive results and doing so at scale.

At the highest level, Harvard Graduate School of Education Professor Thomas Kane’s time-series analysis of results from the National Assessment of Educational Progress indicates that overall student achievement has improved during the period of standards-based education reform over the past 30 years. More important, the data show meaningful progress in reducing achievement gaps between higher-income white students and lower-income students of color. Taken together, Kane concludes that education reform may be “the most important social policy success of the last half century,” contrary to the prevailing public narrative of failure.

Similarly, at the district level, Parker Baxter of the University of Colorado shared his research demonstrating analogous student performance trends, correlated with Denver’s “portfolio management” reform initiative. Starting about 15 years ago, the city of Denver embarked on a plan to open up public education to a more diverse set of schools and school operators in a model of co-existence and collaboration involving both autonomous district schools and charter schools, within a unified parental choice enrollment system and a framework of accountability for results.

At the classroom level, two speakers highlighted the success of certain educational programs and practices. Boston College Professor Sean Dougherty reported on positive graduation, employment, and earnings outcomes for students (especially boys) enrolled in career-technical programs in several states, including Connecticut and Massachusetts.

Journalist Emily Hanford of American Public Media summarized the reporting of her “Sold a Story” podcast, which highlighted the efficacy of a “science of reading” approach to early literacy, including daily direct instruction in phonics for young children.

As important as identifying what’s working, colloquium speakers also pointed out what’s not. Emily Hanford focused on “balanced literacy” models of curriculum and pedagogy, which tend to minimize or undermine systematic phonics instruction, relying instead on work-arounds that significantly delay reading proficiency and, in many cases (especially for low-income students, students from households where English is not the first language, and students with dyslexia), severely damage long-term educational success.

A professor of economics at MIT, Parag Pathak, presented the results of his recent study on the effects of school busing in New York City and Boston. According to Pathak’s analysis, compared to neighborhood school assignment, busing has marginally improved racial and ethnic integration, especially for Black students, but has done little or nothing to improve educational outcomes.

Returning the theme of hope, Harvard Professor Danielle Allen shared her work in building a broad-based national coalition around an emerging approach to civics education, called, “The Roadmap for Educating for American Democracy.” Given the ideologically charged controversies swirling in and around America’s schools, finding common ground with regard to civics is a daunting challenge, but Allen and her colleagues have made significant progress in this nonpartisan attempt to provide educators with a practical framework, with aligned tools and resources, for offering students “inquiry-based content.”

Of course, where there’s hope, there’s also harsh reality. Commenter Robert Pondiscio, senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute, praised Allen’s efforts to strengthen civics education, but cautioned that past attempts to harmonize state standards have been met with resistance from both educators and politicians. He suggested further that at the moment there is not even a consensus on whether our public schools should take seriously their role in preparing young people for American citizenship, let alone agreement on what that preparation should look like.

An even more bracing reality check was provided by Marguerite Roza of Georgetown University, who reported that while the flood of federal Covid dollars into states, cities, and school districts is unprecedented, it is also unsustainable. In fact, it will dry up before the end of next year. Based on extensive data collection regarding recent school spending patterns, Roza projects that many districts will soon be running headlong over a fiscal cliff, as they incorporate their one-time federal dollars into ongoing operating budgets and collective bargaining agreements. Unless prudent steps are taken soon, many districts will be confronted with deep and painful budget cuts, just around the corner.

So, what does it all mean? I think it means that we need to think about educational reform as a journey, rather than a destination. Success is defined by persistent progress, notwithstanding the risks, setbacks, and false starts. The good news is we are making progress, which means we need to value staying the course as much as we do innovation and change. To my mind, that implies reinforcing the foundations of standards-based reform, while identifying and supporting those programs and practices that are reliably producing results where it counts, in the classroom. It also means walking away from what’s not working and making smart fiscal and management decisions to sustain continuous improvement.

James A. Peyser is the former secretary of education for Massachusetts.

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Stanford Summer Math Camp Researchers Defend Study https://www.educationnext.org/stanford-summer-math-camp-researchers-defend-study/ Tue, 23 May 2023 20:15:59 +0000 https://www.educationnext.org/?p=49716677 Critique of California math framework draws a response

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Stanford University
Stanford University was the site of a summer math camp whose outcomes were studied.

To the Editors:

Tom Loveless’s analysis piece on the California Math Framework (California’s New Math Framework Doesn’t Add Up) was thick with criticism of the framework.

The framework was the product of a careful, considered, laborious, and collaborative legislative process, and it has widespread public support. In fact, the signatories on the support petition, from STEM professionals, educators, and 66 organizations, outnumber those in the oppositional petition Loveless cites.

We are in particular concerned over his critique of the study of Youcubed summer camps cited in the framework.

The first Youcubed summer camp was conducted at Stanford in 2015. This first session resulted in achievement gains equivalent to 2.8 years of school. A video of the students participating in that very first camp can be seen here.

As Loveless notes, a later study of camps conducted in 10 districts across the U.S., with an average achievement gain equivalent to 1.6 years of school.

Participating school districts invested countless hours organizing and running their camps, providing students with new ways and new outlooks through which they might engage with mathematics. The camps changed students’ learning and their levels of enthusiasm for mathematics the further they progressed through each camp program. These school districts supplied all of their research data to Youcubed at Stanford, and their efforts, as well as the immeasurable accomplishments of their students, should be lauded, rather than torn to shreds.

The Loveless piece describes the study of these camps as an “in-house” study. The truer description is that Stanford University researchers studied camps conducted by others across the U.S. The statistics produced were vetted by external evaluators, and the resulting journal article was peer reviewed by Frontiers in Education, a scientific journal.

Loveless argues further that there was no control group for the study’s analysis of test-score outcomes. He fails to mention the main result of the study – that the achievement of the students attending the camps was evaluated through analysis of their math GPAs in their following school year, compared to a control group. The result of this was that the students attending Youcubed camps achieving significantly higher math GPAs. This result is based on a quasi-experimental design in which students who attended the camps were statistically matched with students who demonstrated similar levels of prior achievement but did not attend the camps. Comparison groups drew from administrative and demographic student-level data. We matched on various characteristics including socioeconomic status, gender, English-learner status, special education status, and previous math grade point averages. The statisticians performed several sensitivity tests to ensure the robustness of the findings.

The Loveless piece critiques the use of Mathematics Assessment Resource Services (MARS) tasks as pre- and post-tests. These particular tasks were chosen because they are well-respected assessments scored by external evaluators. The Loveless writeup omits the rich legacy of these assessments, and their importance in assessing mathematical understanding.

Non-enrolled students did not take the MARS assessments because the tests were administered in two 40-minute blocks of time and were typically administered on the first day of camp. The students did not work on “similar problems” in camp, and the questions were chosen to measure algebraic understanding. These assessments were used alongside math GPAs as a measure of change, and were included in the statistical model as just one of perhaps many dimensions of mathematical understanding.

The Loveless piece further omits an important finding of the Stanford camp study which showed that, across the 10 Youcubed camps sites, the more hours the students spent in their respective camps, the greater their improvement on assessments.

Lastly, Loveless’s critique of the proposed California Framework’s approach to “automaticity” steps over the fact that the framework plainly highlights numerical understanding as an absolute necessity, positing that students can learn math facts and other number bonds with deeper and more expansive levels of understanding, than through rote memorization.

Loveless closes his Youcubed takedown by saying “if the Youcubed gains are to be believed, all pandemic learning loss can be restored, and additional gains achieved, by two to four weeks of summer school.”

Youcubed does stand by its conclusions. It is probably true that if students were to receive concentrated and focused interventions that targeted mathematical understanding, rather than the same sort of rote memorization that has been taught not just for decades, but for centuries, any loss of mathematics achievement caused by the Covid pandemic could be reversed. Our camps provide just one example of how this can be done.

Youcubed is an open organization that encourages expansive thought and free-flowing collaboration. That same spirit infuses how we teach others to teach — interactively and cooperatively, with an eye always trained on what works, and what will stick with students over the long haul, as they traverse the earliest years of their schooling, and then transition to whatever future path may suit them best.

A response from Tom Loveless to this letter is available at “Stanford Summer Math Camp Defense Doesn’t Add Up, Either.”

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Is Ron DeSantis’s Education Record Anything to Emulate? https://www.educationnext.org/is-ron-desantis-education-record-anything-to-emulate-forum-mattox-young/ Tue, 23 May 2023 09:00:04 +0000 https://www.educationnext.org/?p=49716605 Expanding choice while fighting a culture war

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Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis reacts after signing a bill to expand school vouchers across Florida during a press conference at Christopher Columbus High School on Monday, March 27, 2023, in Miami.
Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis reacts after signing a bill to expand school choice across Florida during a press conference at Christopher Columbus High School on Monday, March 27, 2023, in Miami.

The governor of Florida, Ron DeSantis, has emerged in recent years as a nationally significant political figure and a possible Republican presidential contender in part on the basis of his record in K–12 education. What has he actually accomplished in Florida? Are his tactics there worth emulating elsewhere, or would they best be avoided? William Mattox, the director of the Marshall Center for Educational Options at the James Madison Institute in Tallahassee, Florida, who is a registered independent, offers a more positive assessment, while Cathy Young, a fellow at the Cato Institute who also writes for The Bulwark, Newsday, and Reason, is more cautious about what DeSantis has done.

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DeSantis defends values while expanding choice to de-escalate the stakes https://www.educationnext.org/desantis-defends-values-while-expanding-choice-to-de-escalate-stakes-mattox-forum-desantis-education-record/ Tue, 23 May 2023 08:59:24 +0000 https://www.educationnext.org/?p=49716606 Delighting deplorables and African-American “school choice moms” in the “free state of Florida”

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Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis reacts after signing a bill to expand school vouchers across Florida during a press conference at Christopher Columbus High School on Monday, March 27, 2023, in Miami.
Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis reacts after signing a bill to expand school choice across Florida during a press conference at Christopher Columbus High School on Monday, March 27, 2023, in Miami.

Five years ago, Ron DeSantis toiled away as one of 435 members of the U.S. House of Representatives. Today, he looms large in American politics as Florida’s twice-elected governor—and the Republican widely considered to have the best shot at toppling Donald Trump for the 2024 GOP presidential nomination.

While many factors have played into DeSantis’s rise, education policy has been at the center of nearly every episode propelling the Florida governor forward. Governor DeSantis has made education a major priority of both terms in office. And he has skillfully tackled some thorny education issues using a two-pronged approach that delights parents who share his views—while neutralizing, or even winning over, many outside his core group of support.

The first, and more attention-grabbing, part of DeSantis’s approach could be called “Defying the Establishment.” The second, and potentially more important, part might be called “De-Escalating the Stakes.” Both merit closer inspection—and the best place to begin is with a fascinating-yet-often-overlooked episode that brought these two strands together.

Education Commissioner Richard Corcoran championed Hope Scholarships for students harassed over schools’ masking policies.
Education Commissioner Richard Corcoran championed Hope Scholarships for students harassed over schools’ masking policies.

Defusing the School ‘Mask Wars’

In the summer of 2021, education officials in Florida (and beyond) were gearing up for Round Two in the Great Covid Response Dilemma—whether students returning to public schools in the fall would be required to wear masks.

Round Two had all of the appearances of a high-stakes, winner-take-all showdown. One side insisted on Covid caution. The other emphasized personal freedom and responsibility. No win-win solution seemed possible. Public schools were either going to require masks or they weren’t. If ever there were a Solomonic conundrum crying out for an ingenious “split the baby” response, this was it.

Enter Ron DeSantis.

Governor DeSantis strongly identified with those emphasizing personal freedom and responsibility, just as he had a year earlier in championing a return to in-person instruction (over the objections of public-school unions, public health officials, and most major media outlets). Among other things, DeSantis worried mask mandates would hinder classroom instruction because teachers and students would be unable to see each other’s mouth movements.

Still, the governor recognized that some parents wanted their kids to wear masks, often for understandable reasons (such as having an immunocompromised family member at home). Accordingly, he said schools should neither mandate masks nor forbid their use.

In July, DeSantis issued an executive order to “protect parents’ right to make decisions regarding masking of their children.” And he reminded Floridians that he had recently signed into law The Parents’ Bill of Rights, which affirmed parents’ authority “to direct the upbringing, education, health care, and mental health” of their children.

DeSantis’s “mask-optional” executive order surprised no one. But what happened next surprised many.

Several Florida school districts announced they were going to defy the governor’s order and impose mask mandates anyway. In response, DeSantis instructed Florida Education Commissioner Richard Corcoran to issue a rule making students who suffer “Covid-19 harassment” eligible for a Hope Scholarship.

Florida’s Hope Scholarship program allows victims of bullying or harassment to transfer to another school of their parents’ choosing, with funds following the student. DeSantis and Corcoran (who had spearheaded Hope’s adoption when he was House speaker) maintained that the law’s language could be legitimately applied to situations when students are mistreated by local school officials over masking policies.

The governor’s move drew modest, momentary, and mostly meh mainstream media attention.

But it sparked an interesting response from some Covid-wary Florida parents who felt mask-optional policies threatened their child’s well-being. They asked if they too could get a Hope Scholarship to send their child to a private school that mandated masks.

“Absolutely,” the DeSantis administration answered, thereby reaffirming the unimpeachable idea behind Florida’s Hope Scholarship—that no child should be required to attend a school his parents consider unsafe.

And with that, the Great School Mask Wars of 2021 came to a peaceful resolution in Florida. Thanks to DeSantis’s deft governing, parents on all sides enjoyed access to public funds to send their kids to a school with Covid policies that matched their preferences. Win-win.

Students at Mater Academy Charter Middle/High School in Hialeah Gardens, Florida, demonstrate support for the “Stop WOKE Act,” which DeSantis signed in April 2022.
Students at Mater Academy Charter Middle/High School in Hialeah Gardens, Florida, demonstrate support for the “Stop WOKE Act,” which DeSantis signed in April 2022.

Defying the (‘Woke’) Establishment

Most people outside Florida have never heard the latter part of this story because it runs counter to the dominant narrative surrounding DeSantis’s approach to education policy. That narrative emphasizes DeSantis’s willingness to stand up for underdog parents who find themselves at odds with the progressive Establishment, often on zero-sum issues with no possible win-win solution.

“Virtually every major institution in our country is attempting to impose a ‘progressive’ agenda on society,” DeSantis told the New York Post. “Florida strives to protect the ability of its citizens to live their lives free from this agenda being shoved down their throats.”

DeSantis has challenged the “woke” orthodoxy by:

  • Championing the adoption of legislation banning critical race theory and its related tenets which, in DeSantis’s words, “teach kids to hate their country and to hate each other;”
  • Signing into law a measure outlawing male participation in high school sports for females;
  • Spearheading the adoption of the Parental Rights in Education Act (or, as critics dubbed it, the “Don’t Say Gay” bill) which prohibited public schools from teaching young students about gender ideology and human sexuality;
  • Leading an effort to curb the Walt Disney company’s special governing privileges after Disney joined LGBTQ advocates in fighting against the Parental Rights in Education Act;
  • Denying state approval of the College Board’s new Advanced Placement African-American Studies course over its inclusion of “queer theory,” “intersectionality,” and other problematic content;
  • Repealing and replacing Common Core standards throughout the curriculum to encourage greater emphasis on classic literature and the foundations of western thought;
  • Vetoing an “action civics” proposal that would have emphasized training in student activism over the acquisition of core knowledge about our political system;
  • Engineering a leadership transformation at New College, a state liberal arts institution long dominated (and mismanaged) by left-wing academics; and
  • Eliminating funding at state universities for “diversity, equity, and inclusion” programs that directly or indirectly violate federal civil rights standards.

As this long (and growing!) list makes clear, Governor Ron DeSantis is a man on a mission—to rid his state of the cluster of neo-Marxist ideas that comprise “wokeness.”

His efforts to promote “education, not indoctrination” have earned him broad support inside the Sunshine State, where he won re-election last year by a larger margin than any Republican gubernatorial candidate in Florida history.

And Governor DeSantis’s commitment to systemic change can be seen in the fact that he broke precedent last year and endorsed more than 30 school board candidates from around the state who share his belief that schools should not be “a tool for a special interest partisan agenda.” Almost all these candidates won, flipping control of five county school boards.

DeSantis displays the Parental Rights in Education Act he signed into law in March 2022 at Classical Preparatory School in Shady Hills. Opponents dub it the “Don’t Say Gay” law.
DeSantis displays the Parental Rights in Education Act he signed into law in March 2022 at Classical Preparatory School in Shady Hills. Opponents dub it the “Don’t Say Gay” law.

Defaulting with ‘Normies’

Some critics claim DeSantis is guilty of the very thing of which he accuses his opponents—politicizing K–12 education. But DeSantis says he is simply defending bedrock American values in a time-honored American way.

Just as many of America’s first settlers believed the Establishment church of their homeland was coercively teaching heresy, DeSantis believes the Establishment schools in the U.S. today are coercively teaching “woke” ideas contrary to America’s founding creed, the Declaration of Independence.

Specifically, DeSantis believes “woke” lessons on race violate the idea that all of us are “created equal”—and that “woke” lessons on gender violate the “laws of nature” also referenced in the Declaration.

To many people beyond his base, “DeSantis’s education efforts carry far broader yet much more nuanced and complex support than might otherwise be suggested,” observes Lynn Hatter of WFSU, a public radio station based in Florida’s capital.

For example, some election observers attributed DeSantis’s 2022 landslide to the fact that he drew strong support from conservatives concerned about “woke” issues and from moderates more attracted to his support for ideas like increasing teacher pay. Yet, even here, DeSantis has kept his opponents off balance by shrewdly combining a 2023 teacher pay increase with a “paycheck protection” measure that requires public school unions to recruit members and collect dues on their own time and with their own dime.

“The governor’s top-line promises can sound good, but there’s always a catch,” says Florida Education Association president Andrew Spar. “Governor DeSantis says he’s for teachers’ rights, then moves to take away their rights to teach honest lessons or join together to advocate for Florida’s students and our profession.”

Criticisms like these sometimes fail to land with middle-of-the-road observers. Indeed, Bill Maher has defended DeSantis, calling him a “normal” governor pursuing reasonable goals. “They called it the ‘Don’t Say Gay’ law,” Maher said. “It could have been called the ‘Let’s do things in schools the way we did five years ago’ law. It really could’ve.”

Similarly, a national poll by University of Southern California scholars found that even a majority of Democrats oppose teaching about gender ideology and sexual orientation in elementary schools.

And when DeSantis pushed back against the College Board for “using black history to shoehorn in queer theory,” a prominent African-American social-justice advocate came to his defense. “Frankly, I’m against the College Board’s curriculum,” said Leon County Commissioner Bill Proctor. “I think it’s trash. It’s not African American history. It is ideology … sub-mediocre propaganda.”

De-Escalating the Stakes

Still, DeSantis remains a frequent target of many progressives, including history professor David Blight from DeSantis’s alma mater, Yale. Blight has criticized DeSantis’s agenda, echoing a common complaint that the governor’s actions raise the question, “Who gets to control knowledge and education?”

While it is true DeSantis is trying to rid Establishment schools of “woke” teachings, it is a mistake to view DeSantis as someone trying to “control” education with an iron grip.

In fact, in many ways, he’s doing the exact opposite.

Think back to the mask wars incident and DeSantis’s win-win solution that included scholarships for families who felt “harassed” or “threatened.” Rather than imposing his own personal preferences on others, DeSantis has sought consistently to empower parents to make decisions about the education of their children.

DeSantis championed a new K–12 voucher program called the Family Empowerment Scholarship as his first major legislative initiative as governor. It added nearly 50,000 lower- and middle-income families to Florida’s K–12 scholarship rolls. And it laid the foundation for two subsequent school choice expansions, including a monumental 2023 measure that extended scholarship eligibility to all Florida families and converted Florida’s state-funded vouchers into flexible-use Education Savings Accounts (ESAs).

Governor DeSantis’s aggressive actions in expanding education choice have solidified Florida’s position as a national leader in education freedom. And his policies have continued Florida’s impressive rise in national K–12 rankings, which began more than 20 years ago with the reforms of then Governor Jeb Bush. Over the last quarter-century, Florida has gone from a Bottom 10 state to a Top 5 state in most measures of student achievement.

In 2022, Florida achieved its highest-ever rankings in the National Assessment of Educational Progress, a fact that DeSantis attributed to his anti-lockdown policies during the pandemic. “We insisted on keeping schools open and guaranteed in-person learning in 2020 because we knew there would be widespread harm to our students if students were locked out,” DeSantis said. “[The NAEP results] once again prove that we made the right decision.”

Remarkably, Florida has posted record learning gains over the last 25 years while increasing per-pupil spending less than every other state in the nation. Free-market advocates tout these bang-for-buck results as evidence of the improved efficiencies that come with school choice. But the qualitative results of Florida’s policies may be as impressive. Among other things, robust education choice has lowered the stakes for all sorts of potentially contentious battles fought out in schools.

Wish your child could attend a school that emphasizes STEM? Or the arts? Or core knowledge? Or learning through play? Or the foundations of your religion? Or project-based learning?

In Florida, you don’t have to convince a majority of your neighbors to agree with you. You can pursue the best learning fit for your child, regardless of what philosophy of education your local school district adopts. Currently, more than 250,000 Floridians receive K–12 scholarship assistance of some kind—and nearly half (49%) of all Florida students attend something other than their assigned district school (private, charter, magnet, virtual, homeschool, etc.).

In essence, Florida is offering the nation a lesson in why America’s founders were so wise in crafting the language of the First Amendment. For just as the founders facilitated the “free exercise” of religion rather than its Establishment, Florida has facilitated the “free exercise” of education by allowing parents to determine where their child’s per-pupil dollars will be spent.

Governor DeSantis’s anti-establishment posture, and the mostly negative media attention it has generated, often worked in his favor. For example, during Covid, many frustrated parents from around the country moved to Florida so their kids could get in-person instruction. And this great migration wasn’t limited just to public school families. Many Jewish schools in South Florida saw a significant uptick in their enrollment, thanks especially to a large influx of families from the New York City area.

DeSantis has seen that education choice not only is good policy but also good politics. It has won him a number of unlikely allies. For instance, during the Florida Legislature’s 2021 consideration of a major expansion to DeSantis’s Family Empowerment Scholarship program, a gay teen testified that school choice had “saved his life” by providing him a way out of a school bullying situation that had led him to contemplate suicide.

Moreover, many Floridians who don’t share DeSantis’s party affiliation have found it’s better to be a dissenter in the “free state of Florida” than in any other state. In Florida, hippie homeschoolers don’t get hassled. John Holt disciples are free to use vouchers to send their kids to Montessori schools. And African-American moms unhappy with their local public school can “vote with their feet” and enroll their child elsewhere.

This last group is notable because their votes in the 2018 election were responsible for DeSantis’s improbable, razor-thin victory over African-American Democrat Andrew Gillum. DeSantis won that first gubernatorial election by less than 40,000 votes, thanks to 100,000 African-American “School Choice Moms” who voted for him because they worried Gillum’s vocal opposition to school choice would end programs benefiting their children.

Andrew Gillum’s narrow loss to DeSantis in the 2018 governor’s race was partly due to the Democrat’s opposition to school choice.
Andrew Gillum’s narrow loss to DeSantis in the 2018 governor’s race was partly due to the Democrat’s opposition to school choice.

Delighting the ‘Deplorables’ (and others who Dissent)

As the 2024 election approaches, many conservatives are hoping DeSantis runs for president.

But before anyone gets too carried away imagining the implications of a DeSantis candidacy, it may be worth considering what would have happened if Gillum had shown “School Choice Moms” the same consideration DeSantis showed Covid-wary families who wanted a scholarship to leave their “mask-optional” school.

Had Gillum embraced school choice for Florida families, he would have won the 2018 Florida gubernatorial election. He might have subsequently wound up as either the presidential nominee or vice-presidential nominee in the 2020 national election.

Instead, Gillum squandered a winnable election. And he lost not just the “School Choice Moms,” but the “School Choice Daughters” as well. I recently spoke with Hera Varmah, a graduate of Gillum’s alma mater (Florida A & M) who told me she cast her 2018 ballot for DeSantis because she knew from personal experience the life-changing power of school choice.

The number of such “School Choice Voters” is sure to increase as more states expand education options. And, hopefully, school choice expansion will help de-escalate the stakes over school policies in places way beyond Florida as more states seek to imitate the success of Governor DeSantis’s two-pronged approach to K–12 education.

William Mattox is the director of the Marshall Center for Educational Options at the James Madison Institute in Tallahassee, Florida. He is a registered independent.

This is part of the forum, “Is Ron DeSantis’s Education Record Anything to Emulate?” For an alternate take, see “DeSantis fights a counterproductive culture war in Florida’s schools” by Cathy Young.

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DeSantis fights a counterproductive culture war in Florida’s schools https://www.educationnext.org/desantis-fights-counterproductive-culture-war-florida-schools-young-forum-desantis-education-record/ Tue, 23 May 2023 08:58:38 +0000 https://www.educationnext.org/?p=49716607 There are better ways to tackle the problem of ideologically skewed public-school instruction

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Governor Ron DeSantis greets DeSoto County Sheriff James Potter in October 2022 before touring southwest Florida to survey the damage from Hurricane Ian.
Governor Ron DeSantis greets DeSoto County Sheriff James Potter in October 2022 before touring southwest Florida to survey the damage from Hurricane Ian.

Florida Governor Ron DeSantis’s crusade against “wokeness” in education (and in some other areas) has drawn a ferocious backlash. The Republican governor and presidential hopeful has been accused of whipping up a right-wing culture war over a non-issue in a bid to boost his political credentials—and, in the process, imposing his authoritarian will under the guise of championing freedom of speech and expression. In fact, concerns about radical progressive ideologies in education are more valid than DeSantis critics allow, and free speech is not as much of an issue in K–12 education as in colleges and universities since the state has a legitimate role in shaping the school curriculum. But for those who would like to see meaningful reforms to address concerns about overpoliticized education, the DeSantis “anti-woke” crusade is frustratingly counterproductive.

This crusade goes back at least to 2021, when the Florida State Board of Education approved DeSantis-backed rules that not only called for “factual and objective” classroom instruction but also explicitly banned “theories that distort historical events,” giving “critical race theory” and Holocaust denial as examples, and specifically excluded “material from the 1619 Project,” a New York Times package of essays placing slavery at the center of American history (See “‘The 1619 Project’ Enters American Classrooms,” features, Fall 2020).

In 2022, as the culture wars heated up, DeSantis signed two major bills that regulated educational practices in the state. The education section of the “Stop WOKE Act” required all classroom instruction to follow “certain principles of individual freedom,” among them that “no individual is inherently racist, sexist, or oppressive, whether consciously or unconsciously, solely by virtue of his or her race or sex” and “a person should not be instructed that he or she must feel guilt, anguish, or other forms of psychological distress for actions … committed in the past by other members of the same race or sex.” The “parental rights” bill dubbed the “Don’t Say Gay Law” prohibited “classroom instruction by school personnel or third parties on sexual orientation or gender identity … in kindergarten through grade 3 or in a manner that is not age-appropriate or developmentally appropriate for students in accordance with state standards.”

Highway billboards respond to DeSantis’s parental rights law, which restricts instruction on some sex and gender topics before 4th grade.
Highway billboards respond to DeSantis’s parental rights law, which restricts instruction on some sex and gender topics before 4th grade.

Apart from its cringeworthy acronym (for “Stop the Wrongs to Our Kids and Employees”), the Stop WOKE Act seems clearly unconstitutional with regard to higher education; it has been challenged and blocked by federal courts, with litigation expected to continue at least until the end of this year. But K–12 is not covered by the same legal protections for freedom of speech.

Detractors of DeSantis’s legislative crusade argue that it’s a nakedly demagogic appeal to bigotry and moral panic stoked by right-wing propaganda. They scoff at the notion that children are being taught either Critical Race Theory (CRT)—which they describe as a method used in universities or law schools of analyzing how structural racism operates—or “gender theory” lessons with explicit sexual content. They dismiss objections to materials from the 1619 Project as discomfort with honest discussion of slavery and racism in America.

The critics are wrong on a number of points. CRT has indisputably influenced K–12 schooling. More than a decade ago, an article in the journal Educational Foundations noted that “a growing number of teacher education programs are fundamentally oriented around a vision of social justice” and often incorporate “critical race theory” and related “critical pedagogy.” The nation’s largest teachers union, the National Education Association, explicitly endorsed CRT as one of the “tools” of anti-racist teaching in a 2021 resolution (later scrubbed from the NEA’s website along with other “business items”). Moreover, CRT is not just an analysis of racism but an ideological framework with rightly controversial elements. It makes disputed claims about embedded racism in every aspect of society and in every interaction. It also exhibits hostility to liberal institutions and, as prominent Black scholar Henry Louis Gates noted 30 years ago, to First Amendment protections for speech. And while claims about the pernicious effects of CRT in school often come from culture warriors with an agenda, such as Manhattan Institute fellow (and DeSantis ally) Christopher Rufo, they have enough documented factual substance to be concerning.

Critics of CRT cite books like Not My Idea: A Book About Whiteness as evidence of its influence on curricula.
Critics of CRT cite books like Not My Idea: A Book About Whiteness as evidence of its influence on curricula.

For instance, a classroom project in Cupertino, California, in 2020, canceled after one session due to parental complaints, had 3rd-grade students list their various “social identities” and analyze them in terms of “power and privilege.” Dozens of schools have reportedly used as K–5 reading material a picture book called Not My Idea: A Book About Whiteness, which presents “whiteness” as a literal devil offering “stolen riches” and offers a crude dichotomy in which Black Americans are cast solely as oppressed victims, whites as perpetrators or enablers. High school assignments on “white privilege” can easily devolve into blaming-and-shaming tactics such as asking students to ponder “everything you may be doing to promote/maintain” racial privilege or telling them that “the world is set up for [white people’s] convenience.” This is not only polarizing but inaccurate: While racial prejudice and injustice remain a reality, 21st century America is far more diverse and complex than such perspectives allow.

Likewise, the 1619 Project has been accused not only by the right but by liberal and socialist critics of distorting historical facts to claim that “[o]ur history as a nation rests on slavery and white supremacy”—claiming, for example, that one of the goals of the American Revolution was to protect the institution of slavery from supposed British efforts at its abolition.

And gender identity education, sometimes as early as elementary school, can include questionable material—for instance, material telling second-graders that “You might feel like you are a boy, you might feel like you are a girl” or “a little bit of both,” regardless of body parts that “some people” associate with male or female sex. Not only conservatives but some suburban liberal parents have objected to readings which not only include overly sexualized content but seem to reinforce stereotypes—for instance, that girls who aren’t “girly” and like to wear pants may actually be boys. (School library books, another bone of contention in Florida, sometimes raise similar issues.)

So the problems are real. But how good are the proposed solutions?

On their face, the “principles of individual freedom” articulated in the “Stop WOKE Act” sound mostly reasonable: most of us will agree that children should not be told that they are presumptively racist because of their skin color or racial identity, or told that they should feel shame and anguish because of racist acts committed by people of the same color or identity in the past. But while the language of the bill makes some attempts to focus on intentionality (i.e. to specify that there must be deliberate instruction to feel guilt, shame, etc., or explicit assertion that members of some groups are by definition racist or oppressive), laws that attempt to regulate speech and ideas are inevitably open to subjective interpretations. In one notorious incident in Tennessee, some conservative activists from a parents’ group combating “CRT” and other “woke” excesses in schools targeted Ruby Bridges Goes to School, a children’s book written by Ruby Bridges, the Black civil rights icon who was famously escorted by federal marshals on her way to a previously all-white elementary school in New Orleans in 1960. Some people evidently objected to the reference to a “large crowd of angry white people who didn’t want black children in a white school,” feeling that the passage was too negative, and also complained that the book didn’t offer “redemption” at the end. This is an almost perfect example of how easily a factual account of some episodes from history can run afoul of laws that attempt to target deliberate shaming. Some Florida teachers have said that in the wake of the “Stop WOKE Act,” they’re worried about teaching material like Martin Luther King Jr.’s “Letter from a Birmingham Jail” because it could mean “trampling on … landmines.”

The same problem of subjective standards plagues regulations regarding school library books, the purging of which new Florida laws make it much easier for parents to demand—in some cases without even reading the books in question.

This situation is particularly ironic since so much of the conservative critique of “wokeness” ridicules—for the most part, rightly—claims that people from “marginalized” groups need to be “safe” from words and ideas that could make them feel bad about themselves or their identities. You could make a solid argument that the “Stop WOKE Act” should actually be called “the Safe Spaces for Conservatives Act.”

DeSantis’s plan to deny the College Board an Advanced Placement African American Studies course, accusing it of “woke indoctrination,” drew demonstrations outside the state capitol.
DeSantis’s plan to deny the College Board an Advanced Placement African American Studies course, accusing it of “woke indoctrination,” drew demonstrations outside the state capitol.

The CRT bans and the restrictions on gender- and sexuality-related instruction suffer from the same problem of subjectivity. Since critical race theory is not directly taught in K–12, the bans would apply to texts or other materials that can be described as influenced by this mode of analysis. But that, once again, opens the way to parental complaints based on interpretation of any text related to either contemporary or historical racial issues. And with regard to gender and sexuality, “age-appropriate” and “developmentally appropriate” may open even bigger cans of worms.

What’s more, the conduct of the DeSantis administration so far does not exactly dispel concerns that its educational regulations are setting the stage for massive overreach. Just recently, the administration moved to expand the ban on teaching related to gender identity and sexual orientation from K–3 to K–12. And a new bill introduced in the Florida House of Representatives in February, based on proposals made earlier by DeSantis, takes the axe to a variety of state college and university programs based on progressive ideas about race and gender—including majors and minors in “Critical Race Theory, Gender Studies, or Intersectionality, or any derivative major or minor of these belief systems” and general education core courses that include CRT or define American history in something other than the approved way (i.e. “the creation of a new nation based on universal principles stated in the Declaration of Independence”).

There are better ways to tackle the problem of ideologically skewed public-school instruction. Reviewing K–12 school materials for accuracy and balance, for instance, should not raise objections. But this task should be approached in the genuine spirit of balance, not culture-warrioring. Once again, the DeSantis administration’s record in this regard is not encouraging. (Witness the recent college-level controversy over the “anti-woke” takeover of New College Florida, where DeSantis packed the board of trustees with people who were both his personal loyalists and Donald Trump supporters—and who immediately embarked on a project to make over the college in an explicitly political way.)

Some “woke” excesses can be curbed with rules that prohibit the personal targeting of students—for instance, with exercises suggesting that they or their families are racist or complicit in white supremacy—without broad bans on certain types of ideas or concepts, especially if those concepts are defined so broadly and subjectively that they could apply to a wide range of material. Other matters might be more constructively addressed by school districts rather than statewide.

Lastly, at least in older grades—perhaps 6–12—the best approach to contentious issues should be to teach the debates. The 1619 Project is a perfect example: instead of turning it into forbidden fruit and putting the state in the role of curriculum censor, why not have students read excerpts from the project as well as the critiques? The same approach could be taken to other issues related to race, ethnicity, gender, and sexuality—issues to which students will invariably have exposure one way or the other, via social media, journalism, or entertainment. Teaching the controversies would alleviate concerns about indoctrination in one or the other direction and instead encourage critical engagement with both historical sources and modern media. Likewise, asking school libraries to add more ideologically diverse content rather than remove content some parents find objectionable could be a constructive approach to the library wars.

More is better. Done right, such an approach in K–12 would promote genuine diversity of viewpoints, intellectual tolerance, and understanding instead of polarization.

Cathy Young is a fellow at the Cato Institute who also writes for The Bulwark, Newsday, and Reason.

This is part of the forum, “Is Ron DeSantis’s Education Record Anything to Emulate?” For an alternate take, see “DeSantis defends values while expanding choice to de-escalate the stakes” by William Mattox.

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The Education Exchange: What Happens When a Teacher Gets on the School Board? https://www.educationnext.org/the-education-exchange-what-happens-when-a-teacher-gets-on-the-school-board/ Mon, 22 May 2023 08:55:07 +0000 https://www.educationnext.org/?p=49716666 Educator pay goes up, charter schools lose ground, a new study finds

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Photo of John SingletonAn Assistant Professor of Economics at the University of Rochester, John Singleton, joins Paul E. Peterson to discuss the benefits of and drawbacks to having educators serving on school boards.

Singleton and co-author Ying Shi recently published “School Boards and Education Production: Evidence from Randomized Ballot Order.”

Singleton was also recently a speaker on the third session of “Should School Boards Run Schools? A virtual conference series on school governance,” hosted by Harvard’s Program on Education Policy and Governance.

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