Teachers and Teaching – Education Next https://www.educationnext.org A Journal of Opinion and Research About Education Policy Thu, 18 May 2023 13:43:55 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=5.4.2 https://www.educationnext.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/e-logo-1.png Teachers and Teaching – Education Next https://www.educationnext.org 32 32 181792879 Wisconsin’s Act 10, Flexible Pay, and the Impact on Teacher Labor Markets https://www.educationnext.org/wisconsin-act-10-flexible-pay-impact-teacher-labor-markets/ Tue, 25 Apr 2023 09:00:45 +0000 https://www.educationnext.org/?p=49716551 Student test scores rise in flexible-pay districts. So does a gender gap for teacher compensation.

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Effective teachers are a vital input for schools and students. Teachers can have important and long-lasting impacts on students’ learning, college attendance, and eventual earnings. They can also reduce teen pregnancy or incarceration. Attracting effective teachers into public schools and retaining them is thus a first-order policy goal. Changes in teacher compensation, for example across-the-board raises in salaries or pay plans that directly tie salaries to performance, are often proposed as ways to achieve this goal. The debate on these reforms, though, is very much open; some opponents argue that these changes would be ineffective because teachers are not motivated by money.

Empirical evidence on the effects of compensation reform is somewhat scarce. Most U.S. public school teachers are paid according to rigid schedules that determine pay based solely on seniority and academic credentials. In unionized school districts, these schedules are set by collective bargaining agreements. The near absence of variation in pay practices has prevented rigorous evaluation of the impacts of changes in the structure of teacher pay on the supply of effective teachers and on students’ success.

The dearth of variation in pay schemes was broken in 2011 when the Wisconsin state legislature passed Act 10. Intended to help address a projected $3.6 billion budget deficit through cuts in public-sector spending, Act 10 introduced several changes concerning teachers’ unions, school districts, and their employees. First and foremost, Act 10 limited the scope of salary negotiations to base pay, preventing unions from negotiating salary schedules and including them in collective bargaining agreements. This allowed school districts to set pay more flexibly and without unions’ consent, in principle detaching compensation from seniority and credentials. Act 10 also capped annual growth in base pay to the rate of inflation and required employees to contribute more towards their pensions and health care plans. Lastly, the new legislation made it harder for unions to operate. It requires local union chapters to recertify every year with support from the absolute majority of all employees they represent, and it prohibits automatic collection of union dues from employees’ paychecks.

The public debate over Act 10 has focused on whether the reform package was good or bad for students, schools, and teachers. The unions vigorously opposed the legislation, organizing protests and occupying the state capitol building. Republican Governor Scott Walker just as vigorously defended the legislation, which helped propel him to national prominence. For education policy scholars, however, what is undeniable is that the legislation was useful, because its implementation offered an opportunity to study its effects. In a series of studies, I have taken advantage of the changes to teachers’ labor markets introduced by the reform to shed light on the impact of flexible pay on teachers’ mobility and effectiveness, the gender wage gap among teachers, and whether most teachers would prefer higher salaries today versus more generous pensions when they retire.

Learning from Act 10

The provisions of Act 10 went into effect immediately. In practice, though, school districts acquired the power to use their newly acquired flexibility not simultaneously, but at different points in time. The two-year collective bargaining agreements reached between each district and its teachers union prior to 2011 remained valid until their expiration, and districts had been on different negotiation calendars starting from several years prior to Act 10. As a result, the timing of expiration was staggered across districts for reasons that were effectively random. This variation creates an opportunity to examine the impact of the end of collective bargaining over teacher pay.

Districts were free under Act 10 to decide whether and to what extent to use their newly gained flexibility to depart from salaries based only on seniority and academic credentials. To characterize these choices, I analyzed districts’ post-Act 10 employee handbooks, documents which list the duties and rights of all teachers and describe how they are paid. As of 2015, approximately half of all districts still included a salary schedule in their handbook and did not mention any other bonuses or increments; I call these seniority-pay districts. The remaining districts, on the other hand, did not list any schedule and often clearly stated that individual pay would be set as the district saw fit; I call these flexible-pay districts.

Using employment records on all public-school teachers in Wisconsin linked to individual student information on achievement and demographics from the Wisconsin Department of Public Instruction, I first document how teacher salaries changed in flexible-pay and seniority-pay districts in the aftermath of the reform. After the expiration of districts’ collective bargaining agreements, salary differences among teachers with similar seniority and credentials emerged in flexible-pay districts, but not in seniority-pay districts. Before the passage of Act 10, such teachers would have been paid the same. These newly emerging differences are related to teachers’ effectiveness: Teachers with higher value-added (individual contributions to the growth in student achievement, as measured by standardized test scores) started earning more in flexible-pay districts. This finding is striking considering that school districts in Wisconsin neither calculate value-added nor use it to make any human-resources decisions. School and district administrators appear to be able to identify an effective teacher when they see one.

Does Flexible Pay Attract Better Teachers?

Changes in teachers’ pay arrangements after the expiration of the collective bargaining agreements changed teachers’ incentives to stay in their district or to move, depending on the teachers’ effectiveness and the pay plan in place in their district of origin. Because flexible-pay districts compensate teachers for their effectiveness and seniority-pay districts only reward them for seniority and academic credentials, teachers with higher effectiveness should want to move to flexible-pay districts, whereas teachers with lower effectiveness and higher seniority should want to move to seniority-pay districts.

The data confirm these hypotheses. The rate of cross-district movement more than doubled after Act 10, with most moves occurring across districts of different type (flexible-pay vs. seniority-pay). Teachers who moved to a flexible-pay district after a collective bargaining agreement expired were more than a standard deviation more effective, on average, than teachers who moved to the same districts before the expiration; these teachers also had lower seniority and academic credentials and enjoyed a significant pay increase upon moving. The effectiveness of teachers moving to seniority-pay districts, on the other hand, did not change. and these teachers did not experience any change in pay.

In addition to inducing sorting of teachers across districts, Act 10 led some teachers to leave the public school system altogether: The exit rate nearly doubled in the immediate aftermath of the reform, to 9 percent from 5 percent. Again, the characteristics of those who chose to leave differed depending on the pay plan each district chose after its collective bargaining agreement expired. Teachers who left flexible-pay districts were far less effective than those who left seniority-pay districts.

Changes in the composition of movers and leavers after collective bargaining agreements expired produced a 4 percent of a standard deviation increase in ex ante (i.e., measured pre-reform) teacher effectiveness in flexible-pay relative to seniority-pay districts. In flexible-pay districts, the effectiveness of teachers who did not move or leave also increased immediately after the reform, compared with teachers in seniority-pay districts, suggesting that teachers in flexible-pay districts increased their effort (Figure 1). Overall, changes in the composition and effort of the teaching workforce led to a 5 percent of a standard deviation increase in student test scores in flexible-pay districts relative to seniority-pay districts in the five years following the reform.

Figure 1: Post-Act 10, Teachers Increase Effort in Flexible-Pay Districts

Taken together, these results suggest that higher pay can be an effective tool to attract and retain talented teachers.

It is worth stressing, though, that part of the gains enjoyed by flexible-pay districts came at the expense of seniority-pay districts, with implications for inequality in the allocation of teachers across students. Whether flexible pay undermines equity depends on which districts adopt flexible pay, which is in turn related to the characteristics of the districts’ students, the pool of teachers they employed pre-reform, and their budgets. For example, to attract its most preferred teachers under flexible pay, a district with a smaller budget and a larger share of economically disadvantaged students may have to pay too high a premium, which it cannot afford. The district may thus decide to stay with seniority pay to at least be able to fill its teaching slots.

In a separate study, Chao Fu, John Stromme, and I use post-Act 10 data from Wisconsin to explore this possibility. We conclude that a switch from rigid to flexible pay (like the one that occurred in Wisconsin after the reform) could reduce disadvantaged students’ access to more effective and therefore in-demand teachers. We also show, however, that properly designed bonus programs that redistribute state funds to districts serving large numbers of disadvantaged students could offset this effect.

More Pay for Male Teachers

An additional caveat for a pay approach that gives districts flexibility over teacher pay is that it may produce wage inequality across teachers with similar effectiveness but different demographic characteristics—for example, men and women. A pay plan that allows employers to adjust workers’ pay at the individual level introduces the opportunity for individual negotiations. However, research suggests that women are often reluctant to negotiate for higher pay, giving an advantage to men and creating or exacerbating gender pay gaps.

To test whether this dynamic emerged among Wisconsin teachers after Act 10, Heather Sarsons and I compare the salaries of male and female teachers with the same demographic profile, with the same seniority and academic credentials, and who teach in the same district, grade, and subject. We make these comparisons before and after the expiration of each district’s post-Act 10 collective bargaining agreement to see how the law affected gender equity. Prior to the passage of Act 10, strict adherence to seniority-based salary schedules meant that there was no gender wage gap among Wisconsin teachers. With the advent of flexible pay, though, a gender gap emerged that penalizes women (Figure 2). While small on average, the gap is larger for younger and less experienced teachers. If this gap were to persist over time, women would lose an entire year’s pay relative to men over the course of a 35-year career.

Figure 2: Gender Wage Gap Emerges after Pay Reform

The gender wage gap associated with flexible pay also differs depending on the gender of school and district leaders. In schools with a female principal or districts with a female superintendent, the gap is virtually zero. In schools and districts run by men, the gap is substantial.

The emergence of a gender wage gap following the introduction of flexible pay suggests that gender differences in teachers’ willingness to bargain or their bargaining ability could be driving part or all of it. To shed light on bargaining’s role, we surveyed all current Wisconsin public school teachers. We asked respondents whether they have ever negotiated their pay or plan to do so in the future. We then asked teachers who declined to negotiate why they chose to do so. We asked those who did bargain whether they believed the negotiation was successful.

Survey responses indicate that women are systematically less likely than men to have negotiated their pay at various points in their careers or to anticipate negotiating in the future. The magnitude of the differences is substantial, suggesting that differences in bargaining could lead to a gender wage gap as large as 12%. In line with our wage results, gender differences in negotiating behavior are entirely driven by men being more likely to bargain under a male superintendent, whereas men and women who work under a female superintendent are equally likely to negotiate their salaries. When asked why they did not negotiate, women are 31% more likely than men to report that they do not feel comfortable negotiating pay. Differences in the perceived returns to bargaining and beliefs about one’s teaching ability do not explain why women are less likely to negotiate.

In short, our survey data point to gender differences in bargaining as a likely determinant of the gender wage gap. We also test for, and rule out, three additional explanations. The first is the possibility of gender differences in teaching quality: As districts use wage flexibility to pay higher salaries to more effective teachers, a gender gap could emerge if men are better teachers than women. Our data do not support this hypothesis: women’s value-added is slightly higher than men’s and controlling for it does not affect the gap. Furthermore, the returns to having high value-added after the introduction of flexible pay are positive for men, but not for women. A second possible explanation is job mobility. If women are less likely than men to move, they might be unable to take advantage of outside offers with higher pay. In our data, however, women are as likely as men to move. The third possible explanation is higher demand for male teachers from certain schools, for example those employing fewer men, those that lost male teachers immediately before Act 10, and those enrolling a higher share of male students. While the gender wage gap is larger in such schools, these differences only explain a very small portion of the total gap. Taken together, our results highlight how flexible pay, while possibly beneficial to attract effective teachers and incentivize all teachers to exert more effort, can be detrimental for some subgroups.

How Much Do Teachers Value their Pensions?

To date, most of the debate on how to design teacher pay to improve selection and retention has focused on salaries—that is, the compensation that teachers receive while active in the labor force. Yet, almost all U.S. public school teachers receive a large portion of their lifetime compensation in the form of defined-benefit retirement pensions.

Pension benefits are typically calculated using a formula that multiplies years of service, average salary over the final several years of the teacher’s career, and a “replacement factor” (e.g., 2.5 percent). On one hand, this makes pensions very generous for career teachers and thus extremely onerous for state budgets, to the point that the pension liabilities of current public-sector employees (approximately half of whom are teachers) were fully funded in only two states in 2018. Reforms to increase the solvency of these plans have thus been debated for years across many states. On the other hand, the use of defined-benefit plans implies that any changes to the structure and growth of teachers’ pay—especially towards the end of the career—would translate into changes in pension benefits.

To fully appreciate how salaries and pension reforms would affect the composition of the teaching workforce, it is crucial to understand how teachers value higher salaries vis à vis generous pensions. The multiple provisions of Act 10, which changed teachers’ salaries and future pension benefits with a staggered timing across districts, also allow me to study this question. First, as mentioned above, the legislation introduced flexible pay across districts after the end of each collective bargaining agreement. For the subsample of teachers already eligible to retire (those who are at least 55 years old and have at least five years of service), who enjoyed the most generous salaries before Act 10 because of salary schedules that rewarded seniority, this led to a 7.5 percent decline in gross salaries. Importantly, since pension benefits are calculated using a defined-benefit formula, this decline also translated into a 5.8 percent decline in future pension benefits for the average retirement-eligible teacher.

Second, Act 10 raised employees’ contributions to their pension plan from zero to approximately 6 percent of annual salaries, lowering employer contributions by the same amount (so that the total per worker contribution remained the same). Akin to the levy of a payroll tax, his provision lowered net salaries for all teachers and took place starting from 2012 in all districts.

To estimate the impact of these changes in compensation on teachers’ decisions about whether to remain in the classroom, I track teacher retirement rates across districts as these two provisions of the reform went into effect. Overall, retirement (defined as the share of teachers eligible to claim a pension, which in Wisconsin are those aged 55 and above with 5 or more years of service, who leave at the end of the year) rose to 34% from 15% after Act 10. The staggered timing of the changes’ implementation allows me to separate responses to changes in net salaries (due to the increase in contribution rates) from responses to changes in gross salaries and pension benefits (due to the introduction of flexible pay). I find that approximately 45% of the increase in retirement can be attributed to the decline in net salaries, whereas 55% can be ascribed to the fall in gross salaries and pension benefits.

Next, I test whether teachers’ response to a decline in salaries is equivalent to their response to the same decline in pension benefits, or if teachers instead react more strongly to changes in either form of compensation (which would be consistent with them having stronger preferences for it). The data reveal that teachers respond more to changes in current salaries than they do to equivalent changes in the value of their future pension benefits. This finding has an important implication for the design of teachers’ compensation schemes: shifting part of their lifetime compensation away from retirement towards employment (i.e., raising salaries and making pensions less generous) could significantly improve teacher retention.

Act 10’s Lessons

In sum, Act 10 offered a unique opportunity to understand what would happen to the teacher labor market if it were to become more similar to “standard” labor markets in terms of pay. This reform is still relatively recent; its long-run effects on the public education system in Wisconsin remain to be seen. In particular, careful study of its effects on the selection of new teachers and entry in the profession represents an important avenue for future research.

Taken together, however, the results of the studies conducted to date highlight how reforms of the structure of teachers’ pay can be a powerful instrument to attract and retain effective educators, which could have profound and long-lasting effects on students. Giving school districts autonomy over the design of pay and limiting the rigidity embedded in the use of seniority-based salary schedules can help administrators attract more effective teachers from other school districts—and, presumably, from outside of education. Yet, some of the findings call for caution when re-designing teachers’ pay arrangements: Flexibility can generate inequities across students in the effectiveness of their teachers, and across male and female teachers in the pay they receive.

Barbara Biasi is an Assistant Professor at Yale SOM and a Visiting Assistant Professor at the Einaudi Institute for Economics and Finance. She is also a Faculty Research Fellow at NBER and a Research Affiliate at CEPR and CESifo.

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Fiscal Cliff Could Force Layoffs of the Best Teachers https://www.educationnext.org/fiscal-cliff-could-force-layoffs-of-the-best-teachers/ Tue, 06 Dec 2022 10:00:35 +0000 https://www.educationnext.org/?p=49716039 Possible recession and end of pandemic aid loom, demanding fast action on ineffective teachers

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A fiscal cliff now looms before schools. Economists and CEOs expect a recession. Most federal funds from Covid-era relief bills—which are currently adding about 8 percent to districts’ annual per-pupil spending, on average—will run dry by 2024. Enrollments will likely decline in most places, given the smaller birth cohorts that are now making their way through our schools. All of that is almost surely going to add up to real drops in overall revenue for many school systems by mid-decade.

This happened before, not so long ago. During the Great Recession, Democrats in Congress and the Obama White House in 2009 enacted a relief package that pumped $100 billion into U.S. schools to hold them harmless from expected state and local budget cuts—but only over two years. When Republicans won the midterms in 2010, the writing was on the wall: a fiscal cliff was coming. Many of us warned districts to prepare, but such pleas were unheeded. School districts did what they always do when funds are low—they laid off the youngest teachers first, cut tutoring and other “extras,” and eliminated teacher coaches and the like. And as a result, according to scholars such as Kirabo Jackson, student achievement took a major hit (see “The Costs of Cutting School Spending: Lessons from the Great Recession,” research, Fall 2020).

We find ourselves here once again. The question now is whether the situation will have a happier ending this time around.

True, there are important differences. In the wake of the Great Recession, the U.S. unemployment rate soared to 10 percent, and schools could be very choosy, teacher-wise. As Martin West and his colleagues illustrated, teachers hired during such downturns have tended to be more effective (see “How the Coronavirus Crisis May Improve Teacher Quality,” research, Fall 2020). That made it all the more tragic when districts were forced by state laws and local teacher union contracts to use “last in, first out” policies when handing out pink slips.

The labor market is in a very different place today, with the unemployment rate at around 3.5 percent—the lowest rate in 50 years. Schools might be helping keep it that way. Districts are trying to hire vast numbers of teachers and staff to address the twin post-pandemic burdens of students’ learning loss and mental-health challenges—and to spend the federal largesse that they find sitting in their bank accounts. This hiring spree is encouraging some states and districts to lower their standards and onboard candidates who don’t meet basic requirements, while others are offering generous signing bonuses to help fill vacancies. So rather than getting to be more selective when choosing teachers, as was the case after the Great Recession, districts nowadays are practically begging people to take jobs.

Here’s what isn’t different: the federally funded spending spree won’t last. Combined with reductions in state revenue from a likely recession, districts are staring at the possibility of big funding drops after a short-term increase—the feared fiscal cliff.

So, how should schools prepare? Smart education economists like Marguerite Roza have urged districts to avoid putting lots of new people on the payroll (especially given the sharp drops in enrollment we expect to see in many districts, which will make higher staffing loads even less sustainable). Yet that advice is mostly being ignored, with schools going on a hiring bonanza.

Which means school districts will have no choice but to lay off a bunch of people when districts go over the fiscal cliff. That’s never easy, but it could yield some positive effects if schools are willing to differentiate between effective and ineffective teachers and other staff—and do what it takes to keep effective teachers on the job and lay off the ineffective ones before they get tenure and before budget troubles trigger “last in, first out” layoffs. That might be the biggest “if” in all of education.

Note that I’m not arguing that “last in, first out” must be eliminated. Sure, such a change would be great. But fights over quality-blind teacher layoffs have been raging for decades. This was the central issue in the unsuccessful Vergara v. State of California case, in which nine students charged that state laws prioritizing teacher seniority over job performance violated students’ rights to instruction by effective teachers. Yet the primary power of seniority to shape layoff decisions is a point on which powerful teachers unions (in California and elsewhere) are unyielding. Eighteen states still enshrine “last in, first out” in state policy, including seven where seniority is the sole factor in determining layoffs. Another 23 (plus Washington, D.C.) allow unions to bargain for it in local contracts. Only 10 disallow seniority to be a consideration. There’s been some progress at the district level in moving toward performance as the primary factor in layoff decisions, but over the past decade only two states have eliminated “last in, first out” rules. Changing all of this is somewhere between unlikely and impossible.

Thankfully, there’s another strategy that should be much more possible. For the next two or three years, districts should look carefully at the effectiveness of their new teachers and other staff and let go of their weaker ones immediately. That is allowable under every union contract in the country, though districts can’t dilly-dally, since tenure protections generally kick in after three or four years on the job.

If the school districts do wait and keep most of their new teachers on the payroll until they are forced to engage in layoffs in the mid-2020s, the practical effect will be to give ineffective teachers hired in 2021, 2022, or 2023 priority over more effective teachers hired in, say, 2024 or 2025. That will be bad for students, who will likely still be recovering from pandemic-era learning losses. And it threatens teacher-diversity efforts, given that many districts are getting better, over time, at recruiting teachers of color.

Schools can’t do much to avoid going over the fiscal cliff, but if they act now to prepare, they can make sure they keep their best teachers in the classrooms.

Michael J. Petrilli is president of the Thomas B. Fordham Institute, visiting fellow at Stanford University’s Hoover Institution, and an executive editor of Education Next.

This article appeared in the Spring 2023 issue of Education Next. Suggested citation format:

Petrilli, M.J. (2023). Fiscal Cliff Could Force Layoffs of the Best Teachers: Possible recession and end of pandemic aid loom, demanding fast action on ineffective teachers. Education Next, 23(2), 60-61.

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What I Learned Leading America’s First Public School https://www.educationnext.org/what-i-learned-leading-americas-first-public-school/ Tue, 20 Sep 2022 09:00:36 +0000 https://www.educationnext.org/?p=49715828 A culture of urgency, grounded in love, is essential, at “high-performing” and “underperforming” schools alike. And try to find a way to refill your cup.

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Names of some of Boston Latin School’s prominent graduates are on the walls of the school’s auditorium.
Names of some of Boston Latin School’s prominent graduates are on the walls of the school’s auditorium. The school serves more than 2,400 students in grades 7–12.

Settle into a wooden seat in the auditorium of Boston Latin School. Before long, your eyes will notice the names, painted and carved into room’s high walls, of the alumni who have made history since the school was founded in 1635. Early attendees include Benjamin Franklin, John Hancock, and Samuel Adams. Among the other graduates listed are philosopher and poet George Santayana, Class of 1882; political patriarch Joseph Kennedy, Class of 1908; composer Leonard Bernstein, Class of 1935; and Clifton Wharton, Jr., the first Black president of a major research university, Class of 1943.

Each year, 99 percent of Latin School’s senior class matriculates to four-year colleges, with scores of scholars earning admissions to Ivy League institutions and other highly selective universities. Countless alumni across eras attest that the rigor of BLS prepared them so that college actually felt, in some ways, easier and less intense. As an alumna of the school myself and having just completed my tenure as the school’s twenty-eighth headmaster (a term that changed to “head of school” in 2020) and first leader of color, I can affirm that this claim is supported by tens of thousands of success stories. Many of these tales of triumph feature students like myself, whose parents were born in other countries and knew nothing about the American college system, or students whose families have deeper roots in Boston but for whom BLS represented an elevator ride up from multigenerational poverty. For me, those accounts of changed life trajectories are a compelling counterargument to those in Boston and other places like San Francisco and New York who advocate eliminating exam schools in favor of entirely randomized assignments.

Boston Latin School is not only prestigious and historic, but it is also the largest secondary school in the city, serving more than 2,400 students in grades 7–12. If your loved ones have lived in Boston for even one generation, they know someone who graduated from or attended BLS for a period of time.

Until more recent years, the headmaster would assemble students in the auditorium on the first day of school and say, “Look to the left of you. Look to the right of you. Two of you won’t graduate.” When I took a seat as a 7th grader in 1989, things had softened. The speech had been modified: “Look to the left of you. Look to the right of you. One of you will not graduate.” By the time I returned to alma mater as headmaster in 2017, I’d inherited the new speech: “Look to the left of you. Look to the right of you. This journey is not going to be easy, so you will need to support one another along the way.”

Each decade in the modern era has brought positive changes that create more optimal conditions for students to thrive. In 1972, BLS went coed, as did its “sister” school, Boston Latin Academy (formerly Girls Latin School). In 2010, under Lynne Mooney Teta’s leadership, honors classes, which had served as unnecessary barriers to Advanced Placement courses and also to track a school that was already tracked by nature of its selective admissions status, were eliminated. The McCarthy Institute for Transition and Support was created in 2000 to facilitate services such as peer tutoring, Saturday Success School, and workshops for students and parents on topics including executive functioning and time management. BLS has tripled the size of its student-support team, growing its number of counselors, clinicians, and special educators. Seeking help when feeling overwhelmed slowly became something less stigmatized, though we still have a way to go.

BLS students groan about the nightly homework load (three hours on average), though the vast majority wouldn’t choose any other school as their second home. In fact, most spend more hours with us than they do with their families. Our more than 130 extracurricular clubs, 60 athletic teams, and 30 instrumental and choral groups keep them busy. When I was a student, the jazz band and show choir were my no-stress happy places, oftentimes serving as the motivators to get up for school after a late night of homework. Those groups are going strong today, along with the Junior Classical League, fencing team, myriad racial and cultural affinity groups, and hundreds of other activities that, as head of school, I would frantically try to drop in on and capture on my Instagram page.

For more than 50 years, admission to the school has been based on a standardized exam used in concert with report-card grades. During my era as a student, there was a federally mandated set-aside in the admissions process, assuring that at least 35 percent of each class would be Black and Hispanic. That policy was overturned in the late 1990s after a lawsuit. Following the elimination of this set-aside, the percentage of Black students declined significantly, even as Black and Hispanic students comprise the majority of the Boston Public Schools district.

Over the past three years, the confluence of the global pandemic and our nation’s racial reckoning pushed the district to action around the demographics of the city’s three exam schools, with much of the focus on Boston Latin School (in 2020, the school was 45 percent white, 29 percent Asian, 13 percent Hispanic, 8 percent Black, and 4 percent other/multi-racial, by the count of the school district, which uses those terms and categories). A temporary change to the admissions formula due to the inability to administer the standardized admission test during the Covid-19 pandemic ushered in the first students in generations who were admitted without an exam. These students all made the honor roll at their previous schools, though the effects of virtual school due to Covid-19 and the variance in curriculum by elementary school saw some of these young people struggling more than usual at first to find their footing at BLS. Online commenters began to chirp about whether these “sixies” (our term for 7th graders, meaning they have six years left to graduate) deserved a seat at the school, many of the commenters not even veiling their implication that the students’ racial identity and/or socioeconomic background made them less motivated, intelligent, or well behaved.

I had once been a young person whom many would have written off. I lived in the zip code that sent the lowest number of students to BLS. My mother was a single parent. With the support of my mom and grandmother, and through the opportunities afforded to me by Boston Latin School (including a scholarship that covered my undergraduate loans), I graduated magna cum laude from the University of Pennsylvania in three years. The current team of educators at BLS refuse to write off anyone’s potential, ignoring the noise and focusing on the students. I am incredibly proud of the Class of 2027’s achievement in their first year, particularly those who worked to fill in content gaps through math-intervention classes and a daily after-school program instituted with federal pandemic-relief funds.

Photo of Rachel Skerritt
Rachel Skerritt served as head of Boston Latin School from 2017 to 2022. She began her career as an English teacher at the school and later worked for Boston Public Schools.

* * *

At the age of 21, I began my career as an English teacher at Boston Latin School. Before becoming the head of the school, I left for years of rich professional experiences elsewhere, including my first school-leader position as headmaster of Another Course to College (a small pilot high school within the Boston Public Schools), chief of staff for Boston Public Schools, and deputy chief of leadership development for D.C. Public Schools. The leadership experience that most informed my work as head of school at BLS was my role as principal at Eastern Senior High School in Washington, D.C. The student demographics at Eastern are strikingly different from those at BLS; Eastern’s student body is 99 percent Black. There are, though, more threads of commonality between them than you might imagine, or even than I initially did. The Eastern High School building and Latin School’s current building were both built in the 1920s—palatial structures with central marble staircases. Both schools also boast strong alumni networks that take great pride in the accomplishments of their institutions. However, Eastern fell on difficult times in the late 1990s, and by the time I assumed leadership in 2011, the school had experienced more than 10 school leaders in as many years. The district had phased out new cohorts so that it could reboot with just a 9th grade, and I had the opportunity to relaunch the school’s legacy with an incredible hand-selected team over the next four years.

Our team fought to prove that our students could and deserved to compete on every stage—whether that meant testing for the International Baccalaureate Diploma or slaying in national marching-band competitions. With those successes, I returned to BLS with the knowledge that a community as resourced and supported as ours had no excuses not to soar—rapidly and immediately. And then, in March of 2020, the world changed. Every school leader in America has had to employ new skills over these past two years (we should all earn honorary certificates in public health, for instance).

Skerritt, pictured here with her mother, graduated from Boston Latin School in 1995.
Skerritt, pictured here with her mother, graduated from Boston Latin School in 1995. The school has changed over the decades since and now offers more ways to support both students and parents.

Eventually, while leading a premier school, I realized that many of the same leadership lessons I learned during my experience at a turnaround school still applied. Students need the same conditions, whether a school is high performing or under resourced. To act otherwise enforces a culture of low expectations.

First, a culture of urgency is essential. What I mean by “culture of urgency” is to unite all constituents around a mission and to be clear about where we currently fall short. Urgency does not mean to place so much pressure on teachers and staff that their longevity in the profession is unlikely. Often, in urban education, urgency is created from an incident. Boston Latin School received national attention in 2016 when Black students at BLS shared issues on campus that resulted in their feeling unseen and unheard. After this, we worked in partnership with the Boston Public Schools Office of Equity to build new systems for reporting bias-based incidents. We also engaged in whole-staff professional development and school-wide dialogues about race and equity. Our personnel committee worked intentionally to further diversify our staff so that more students saw themselves in the adults around them—we hired talented educators across racial, gender, and sexuality identities, including the first Asian American and openly LGBTQ+ assistant heads of school in the institution’s history. Hiring with diverse representation as a core value is not, as some would claim, putting identity politics ahead of education. Actually, it’s crucially important to educational success. We watched our students find outlets on staff when experiencing microaggressions, when seeking to institute new programming on campus, or when desiring a space to just be.

The calls for attention to our racial climate were just one of many jump starters of urgency that we experienced in recent years. Our administrators, faculty, and staff have responded promptly to many of these alarm bells even as the work is ongoing—increasing attention to students’ mental health, stepping up vigilance regarding campus safety and visitor protocols, and closing access gaps for technology, Wi-Fi, and comfortable places for students to study after school hours.

The challenge is that some of the areas that require attention are a little less loud at schools where all of the students pass state assessments and head off to college after graduation. Urgency is often an easier sell in “underperforming schools”—the threat of takeover or double-digit failure rates are powerful narratives for why drastic change must take place. However, at “high-performing schools,” a lack of urgency can lead to a feeling of being “good enough.” Yes, students are passing their classes, but are there gaps in performance for BIPOC students? For special-education students? For students whose families don’t speak English? Yes, students attend school daily and generally complete their work. Are they engaged in the content? Do they see connections between their coursework and the world around them? Is their experience with pacing, grading, and assessment similar, regardless of which teacher they’ve been assigned?

Protesters rally in favor of the Boston Latin School entrance exam in October 2021.
Protesters rally in favor of the Boston Latin School entrance exam in October 2021. After more than 50 years of holding the exam, Boston Public Schools temporarily suspended the requirement due to Covid-19. The revised process was then subject to a legal challenge.

Instruction is the heartbeat of schoolwide change. Even a campus that has identified culture and climate as the key issues to address must deeply consider the place where students spend the majority of their time: classrooms. When educators apply for positions at BLS, our personnel committee institutes performance tasks and, in some cases, administers content assessments. Candidates for our inclusion teacher position write plans for how they would support special-education students with accessing a complex text and multistep writing assignment. Candidates for our assistant head of school role analyze performance data and share their steps to work with teachers and assess instruction to address the gaps. We held this same standard of rigorous application for vacancies at Eastern. There are some experts in a subject area who lack the pedagogical effectiveness to make meaning for students. There are also knowledgeable teachers who teach very well as long as every student does exactly what they’re supposed to. We need educators who are fair, flexible, responsive to feedback, and committed to their own growth in anti-racist practices. However, the urgency of now does not allow for educators who do not have the content background required to support students through the attainment of this same information, even if they’re “great with kids.” Districts should create pathways for those educators to become proficient in hard-to-staff content areas so that school leaders do not need to feel forced to choose between content knowledge and the ability to forge trusting relationships with students.

In deciding the courses that we offer to high-school students and in determining the most effective ways for the students to struggle productively with the material, we cannot ignore the fact that high-performing schools are steered by the expectations of selective colleges. These universities want to see their engineering majors take AP Physics, for instance. So at BLS we offer both AP Physics courses, the one in mechanics and the one in electricity and magnetism. We encourage our students interested in engineering to select one or both of them in junior or senior year, sometimes at the sacrifice of an elective they might prefer. Large universities regularly subject their freshmen to impersonal lectures in large halls, with their entire grade depending on a couple of high-stakes exams, so we recognize that there’s a place for students needing to practice taking in large amounts of information verbally and visually. Students learn to break that information down into outlines that they can study from later. We also run a week of final exams at the end of each school year so that students become accustomed to preparing for cumulative timed exams. Admissions officers strain to find ways to sort through students with similar GPAs, poring over evidence of leadership in their extracurricular activities as one potentially distinctive characteristic. So while BLS students are already strapped for time due to the six major subjects they take each year, they pile on deep commitments to their clubs, bands, sports, and part-time jobs.

Certainly there is self examination for BLS to do as a school, especially as surveys reveal students being perpetually sleep deprived and often managing anxiety. That same self reflection is also warranted at schools asserting that students don’t need (or “can’t handle”) homework, or schools that lack a pathway to calculus (or even pre-calculus) or spend an entire year on a single novel in English class in service of “meeting students where they are.” It is a fair criticism of intensely rigorous schools such as BLS that perhaps they are too driven by what external influences deem a “well-rounded” high-school experience. It is appropriate to examine nightly homework to see what is authentic practice of the material and what is unnecessary busy work that doesn’t advance learning. It is right to question whether the College Board drives the pacing of our classes to the point that, at times, depth may be sacrificed for breadth. But the BLS track record of not only getting students in to, but also getting them through, four-year colleges at rates far exceeding those of other urban high schools is real, and it crosses racial and socioeconomic lines.

Still, resting on laurels is not an effective leadership strategy for any school principal. Navigating the tension of high standards and flexibility, recouping lost instructional time from Covid, and ensuring social-emotional learning isn’t an afterthought require considerable time observing classrooms and working with instructional leadership teams. This is an area where I didn’t meet the goals I set for myself—often feeling the pull of returning emails that felt like emergencies instead of keeping to a set schedule of uninterrupted time on instruction.

How can districts help school leaders clear the decks to focus on the main thing? They should more actively borrow from charter-network practices of employing non-educators who are strong in their fields and placing them at school sites to support operations. At Eastern, I had a chief of staff who worked alongside me on community engagement as we fought to rebrand the school’s reputation on rapidly gentrifying Capitol Hill. At Boston Latin School, we have a director of operations whom we recruited back to alma mater (she’s a class of 1998 graduate) after a successful career in restaurant management. Coordinating in-school Covid testing for more than 1,000 students a day fell to her. At some other schools, principals were doing that work entirely by themselves, likely at the cost of their time in classrooms.

At Boston Latin School, there are more than 130 extracurricular clubs, 60 athletic teams, and 30 musical groups.
At Boston Latin School, there are more than 130 extracurricular clubs, 60 athletic teams, and 30 musical groups. The school’s endowment helps to support student experiences in athletics and the arts, as well as in global travel, independent research, and internships.

Stay true to one’s principles as a leader in the face of political landmines. Boston has a history of racism. While the physical violence of the desegregation era in the city is past, there are often reminders that beliefs last generations, and we are still feeling the daily impact of systemic and individual bias. Especially at schools where BIPOC students are the minority, leaders must deliberately elevate their perspectives and find spaces for them to lift their voices. At BLS, this came in the form of an annual Martin Luther King schoolwide celebration, cultural shows sponsored by groups such as Black Leaders Aspiring for Change and Knowledge (BLACK), Asian Students in Action (ASIA), and Talented and Gifted (TAG) Latino Club, and even a video produced by BIPOC students about their honest experiences at BLS that we watched schoolwide in an advisory block. Sometimes I fell short of the fortitude I needed in challenging moments. This spring, an educator displayed a piece of student work by a young person of color who wrote a poem for his civics class critiquing his predominantly white neighborhood, sparking ire from some BLS families and other residents unaffiliated with our school who were offended by the depiction of the neighborhood as exclusive and racist. While I didn’t, and still do not, believe it to be a wise decision to post the piece publicly, absent context or a space for readers to process or discuss the inevitable strong reactions to its content, and without the student’s explicit consent, I overcorrected in my apology for its display. I failed to state explicitly the student’s right to portray his perspective and experience as he chooses, and I neglected to commend our teachers for fostering the space where students could explore the biases in their own communities. While many conversations, follow-up actions, and additional activities occurred with the students themselves, my public statement on the issue will remain a regret, and it speaks to the danger created when a leader is overly conciliatory, something that can easily occur when you’re trying to keep everyone rowing in the same direction in a community with many different politics.

In every school context, the work must be grounded in love. In one of our most painful situations at Eastern, three of our students were shot and sustained non-life threatening injuries after getting caught in crossfire as we departed from a school basketball game. I remember calling my grandmother in Boston the night before our return to school, wondering what to say to our students after the collective trauma of what we’d survived. In her 90-year-old wisdom, she said, “Tell them you love them.” I don’t remember much about what exactly was said when we somberly assembled in the auditorium the following morning, but I remember our team articulating how much we loved our young people. We promised that we would do all we could to keep them safe. And they knew that there were limitations to what was in our power to do, but they believed and trusted in the community we’d forged.

Over the past five years, there have been so many hardships that our young people have endured. Isolation for over a year of their formative education. Watching, on cellphones, video of the murder of a man by law enforcement and then making decisions about if, when, and how they wanted to enter the national conversation. Struggling to feel safe in the wake of school shootings on a regular basis. Some of the crises were specific to the BLS community, such as the untimely passing of two students and a beloved staff member. At times, it felt like the only promise we could make students was to love them. And to love our students means to love their families. And to love our teachers. And to love so hard that sometimes you feel like you can’t lead anymore because you’re spent. But then you head to a Junior Classical League tournament and watch students in togas riding a homemade chariot, laughing and acting every bit their youthful age. And your cup fills again.

* * *

There are those who will inevitably say that advice from educators at Boston Latin School is nontransferable. Our school admittedly benefits from a significant endowment due to donations over the past century from generous alumni and families, an unusual privilege in the world of public education. This funding provides scholarships to our graduates and supports personnel and programming that enhance our students’ experiences in athletics, the arts, global travel, independent research, and internships. The annual additional amount that we receive from the Boston Latin School Association to support programming is approximately $1,000 per student. Even after counting those additional funds, Boston Latin School still has one of the lowest per-pupil allocations among Boston Public high schools. The attention around this funding creates a distraction and bolsters the idea that high-performing schools should be treated as anomalies that don’t offer any replicable practices. I walked into Eastern Senior High School on the first day of our relaunch, with the motto of Boston Latin School in my head (Sumus Primi: “We are first”), and told our students they were the best. Every single staff member gave their best in return. Five years ago, I walked into Boston Latin School and called upon leadership lessons from my tenure at Eastern to bring us through this tumultuous era. Maybe we should stop claiming that the roadmap is drastically different based on what the students in front of you look like and what their scores are. Instead, let’s hold sacred space for leaders across school types to share best practices, to walk in another’s shoes (and to walk through one another’s schools), and to keep our cups full.

Rachel Skerritt graduated from Boston Latin School in 1995 and served as its head from 2017 to 2022. She is a chief strategy officer at Attuned Education Partners.

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Take Away Their Cellphones https://www.educationnext.org/take-away-their-cellphones-rewire-schools-belonging-achievement/ Tue, 02 Aug 2022 09:00:16 +0000 https://www.educationnext.org/?p=49715559 … So we can rewire schools for belonging and achievement

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After successive school years disrupted by shutdowns, isolation, and mass experiments in remote teaching, educators returned to school in Fall 2021 to find that our classrooms and students had changed.

In the first days of the return, perhaps, we didn’t see the full scope of the changes. Yes, most of us knew that there would be yawning academic gaps. Most of us understood then what the data have since clearly borne out: despite often heroic efforts by teachers to deliver remote instruction, the pandemic had caused a massive setback in learning and academic progress. The costs had been levied most heavily on those who could least afford it, and it would take months, if not years, to make up the lost time.

But at least we were all together again, even if we were all wearing masks. We were on the road back to regular life.

As the days passed, though, a troubling reality emerged.

The students who came back to us had spent long periods away from peers, activities, and social interactions. For many young people—and their teachers—the weeks and months of isolation had been difficult emotionally and psychologically. Some had lost loved ones. Many more had endured months in a house or apartment with nearly everything they valued—sports or drama or music, not to mention moments of sitting informally among friends and laughing—having suddenly evaporated from their lives. Even students who had escaped the worst of the pandemic were out of practice when it came to the expectations, courtesies, and give-and-take of everyday life. Perhaps as a result of this, their social skills had declined.

Our students looked the same—or at least we presumed they did behind the masks—but some seemed troubled and distant. Some struggled to concentrate and follow directions. They were easily frustrated and quick to give up. Many students simply didn’t know how to get along. The media was suddenly full of stories of discipline problems, chronic disruptions due to student distractibility, lack of interest, and misbehavior in the classroom, and historic levels of student absences. In schools where no one had ever had to think about how to deal with a fight, they burst into the open like brush fires after a drought. It didn’t help that many schools were short-staffed, with leaders struggling just to get classes covered and buses on the road.

The first post-pandemic year may well have been harder than the radically disrupted 18 months of rolling lockdowns and remote learning that preceded it. The jarring disruptions related to Covid-19 aren’t the whole story, however. What has happened to our students isn’t just the impact of a protracted, once-in-a-generation adverse event, but the combined effects of several large-scale, ground-shifting trends that predate the pandemic and have reshaped the fabric of young people’s lives. As we look forward, their combined effects should cause us to think beyond short-term recovery and to reconsider how we design schools and schooling.

Researcher Jean Twenge has documented the negative effects of screens and social media on young people, including greater rates of depression, anxiety, and isolation.
Researcher Jean Twenge has documented the negative effects of screens and social media on young people, including greater rates of depression, anxiety, and isolation.

An Internet Epidemic

The pandemic occurred amid a broader epidemic. Long before Covid-19, the psychologist Jean Twenge had found spiraling levels of depression, anxiety, and isolation among teens. “I had been studying mental health and social behavior for decades and I had never seen anything like it,” Twenge wrote in her 2017 book iGen.

This historic downturn in the well-being of young people coincided almost exactly with the dramatic rise of the smartphone and social media. More specifically, it coincided with the moment when they both became universal and being disconnected or an infrequent user was no longer viable.

As a parent, I experienced this firsthand. Even before the pandemic, I was desperately trying to manage my own children’s device usage, wary of how the time they spent on their phones was increasing while the time they spent reading and doing, well, almost everything else was decreasing. We wanted to limit social media as much as possible. But when friends plan where to meet up via Instagram messenger or some other platform, and when the key information for every soccer game—where, when, which uniform—is communicated via group chat, there is no choice but to join.

Research by Twenge and others found that teenagers’ media use roughly doubled between 2006 and 2016 across gender, race, and class. In competition against the smartphone, the book, the idea of reading, lost significant ground. By 2016, just 16 percent of 12th-grade students read a book or magazine daily. As recently as 1995, 41 percent did. Meanwhile, social media was on the rise. By 2016, about three-quarters of teenagers reported using social media almost every day (see Figure 1).

Steep Growth in Social Media Use (Figure 1)

Those trends have only accelerated. A 2019 study by Common Sense Media reported that 84 percent of American teenagers own a smartphone. Parents are raising a generation that is both more connected and more disconnected than any before.

“The smartphone brought about a planetary rewiring of human interaction. As smartphones became common, they transformed peer relationships, family relationships and the texture of daily life for everyone—even those who don’t own a phone or don’t have an Instagram account,” Twenge and co-author Jonathan Haidt wrote in the New York Times in 2021. “It’s harder to strike up a casual conversation in the cafeteria or after class when everyone is staring down at a phone. It’s harder to have a deep conversation when each party is interrupted randomly by buzzing, vibrating notifications.” They quote the psychologist Sherry Turkle who notes that we are now “forever elsewhere.”

The average 12th grader in 2016, Twenge pointed out in iGen, went out with friends less often than the average 8th grader 10 years before. American teenagers were also less likely to date, drive a car, or have a job. “The roller rink, the basketball court, the town pool, the local necking spot—they’ve all been replaced by virtual spaces accessed through apps and the web,” Twenge wrote in The Atlantic. These virtual meetups are universally associated with less happiness for young people. “Those who spend an above-average amount of time with their friends in person are 20 percent less likely to say they’re unhappy than those who hang out for a below-average amount of time,” she wrote.

And that was long before Tik Tok and the latest round of social media platforms carefully designed to ensure obsession and the lingering anxiety that you really ought to be checking your phone; before the optimization of apps like Snapchat, with posts designed to disappear as soon as they are seen and therefore undiscoverable to an adult coming to a young person’s room to see what is amiss.

Increase in Entertainment Screen Use Accelerated During the Pandemic (Figure 2)

Pandemic Effects

Then in March 2020, virtually everything that might have competed with smartphones suddenly disappeared. A recent Common Sense Media study found that children’s daily entertainment usage of screens grew by 17 percent between 2019 and 2021—more than it had grown during the four years prior (see Figure 2). Overall, daily entertainment screen use in 2021 increased to 5.5 hours among tweens ages 8 to 12 and to more than 8.5 hours among teens ages 13 to 18, on average. These trends were even more pronounced for students from low-income families, whose parents were most likely to have to work in person and have fewer resources to spend on alternatives to screens.

At the levels of use that are now common, smartphones are catastrophic to the well-being of young people. As Twenge wrote, “The more time teenagers spend looking at screens, the more likely they are to report symptoms of depression. . . It’s not an exaggeration to describe [this generation] as being on the brink of the worst mental-health crisis in decades.”

Indeed, the data also show spikes in teenagers’ mental-health problems during the pandemic, when just 47 percent of students reported feeling connected to the adults and peers in their schools. Some 44 percent of high-school students reported feeling sad or persistently hopeless in 2021, according to the Centers for Disease Control. School factors had a significant effect on this data. Students who said they felt “connected to adults and peers” at school were almost 60 percent less likely to report persistent feelings of sadness or hopelessness than those who did not—some 35 percent of connected students felt that way, compared with 55 percent who did not feel connected to school. The socioemotional distress students are experiencing is as much a product of the cellphone epidemic as it is a product of the Covid-19 pandemic.

In addition, all of that time on screens—even without social media—degrades attention and concentration skills, making it harder to focus fully on any task and to maintain that focus. This is not a small thing. Attention is central to every learning task and the quality of attention paid by learners shapes the outcome of learning endeavors. The more rigorous the task, the more it requires what experts call selective or directed attention. To learn well, you must be able to maintain self-discipline about where you direct your attention.

“Directed attention is the ability to inhibit distractions and sustain attention and to shift attention appropriately,” Michael Manos, clinical director of the Center for Attention and Learning at Cleveland Clinic, recently told the Wall Street Journal. “If kids’ brains become accustomed to constant changes, the brain finds it difficult to adapt to a nondigital activity where things don’t move quite as fast.”

The Trouble with Task Switching

The problem with cellphones is that young people using them switch tasks every few seconds. Better put, young people practice switching tasks every few seconds, so they become more accustomed to states of half-attention, where they are ever more expectant of a new stimulus every few seconds. When students encounter a sentence or an idea that requires slow, focused analysis, their minds are already glancing around for something new and more entertaining.

Though all of us are at risk of this type of restlessness, young people are especially susceptible. The region of the brain that exerts impulse control and self-discipline, the prefrontal cortex, isn’t fully developed until age 25. Any time young people are on a screen, they are in an environment where they are habituated to states of low attention and constant task switching. In 2017, a study found that undergraduates, who are more cerebrally mature than K–12 students and therefore have stronger impulse control, “switched to a new task on average every 19 seconds when they were online.”

In addition, the brain rewires itself constantly based on to how it functions. This idea is known as neuroplasticity. The more time young people spend in constant half-attentive task switching, the harder it becomes for them to maintain the capacity for sustained periods of intense concentration. A brain habituated to being bombarded by constant stimuli rewires accordingly, losing impulse control. The mere presence of our phones socializes us to fracture our own attention. After a time, the distractedness is within us.

“If you want kids to pay attention, they need to practice paying attention,” is how Dr. John S. Hutton, a pediatrician and director of the Reading and Literacy Discovery Center at Cincinnati Children’s Hospital Medical Center, put it in a recent Wall Street Journal article.

There is, in other words, a clear post-pandemic imperative for schools. The first step in responding to the dual crisis of learning and well-being is to set and enforce cell-phone restrictions. An institution with the dual purpose of fostering students’ learning and well-being cannot ignore an intruder that actively erodes a young mind’s ability to focus and sustain attention and also magnifies anxiety, loneliness, and depression. Cellphones must be turned off and put away when students walk through school doors. Period.

But cellphone restrictions are only part of the equation. Schools themselves will also require rewiring.

How do we do that? The answer isn’t simple. My colleagues at Uncommon Schools Denarius Frazier, Hilary Lewis, and Darryl Williams, and I have written a book describing actions we think schools should consider. Here’s a road map of some of the things we think will be necessary.

Rewiring Classrooms for Connectedness

Extracurricular activities and social and emotional learning programs can be significant factors in shaping students’ experiences. But we should also recognize that the classroom is the single most important space when it comes to shaping students’ sense of connectedness to school. Out of a typical school day, at least five or six hours will be spent in classrooms—the overwhelming majority of students’ time. If classroom practices do little to instill a sense of belonging, students will feel a weak connection to the primary purpose of school.

But just as important, building classrooms to maximize belonging cannot come at the expense of academic achievement. We are in the midst of a learning crisis of historic proportions too. Students’ lack of progress in science, math, and reading, their reduced knowledge of history, their lessened exposure to the arts—these will have lifelong costs. Teaching needs to be better, not diluted. Classrooms need to maximize belonging and learning. It can’t be one or the other.

Happily, we think this is eminently possible. I’m thinking of a math class taught by my co-author Denarius Frazier, the principal of Uncommon Collegiate Charter High School in Brooklyn, N.Y. During a discussion about trigonometry, two dozen students engaged vigorously and energetically with one another. That is, until the beautiful moment when a student named Vanessa, who had been speaking authoritatively about her solution to the problem, suddenly realized that she had confused reciprocal and inverse functions—and that her solution is dead wrong.

Vanessa paused and glanced at her notes. “Um, I’d like to change my answer,” she said playfully, without a trace of self-consciousness. Then she laughed, and her classmates laughed with her. The moment was beautiful because it was lit by the warm glow of belonging. And that was not accidental.

Consider the image below: Vanessa is speaking as her classmates listen and offer affirming gazes. Their eyes are turned to Vanessa to show encouragement and support. Their expressions communicate psychological safety, reassurance, and belonging. In fact, it’s hard to put into words just how much their glances are communicating—and each one is a little different—but these wordless expressions are as critical to shaping the moment as Vanessa’s own character and humility. This interaction fosters and protects a space in which her bravery, humor, and openness can emerge. A space where she feels important.

At Uncommon Collegiate Charter High School in Brooklyn, N.Y., students learn to use body language and positive nonverbal cues called “Habits of Attention” to support one another.
At Uncommon Collegiate Charter High School in Brooklyn, N.Y., students learn to use body language and positive nonverbal cues called “Habits of Attention” to support one another. A video of the classroom scene is available here.

How someone acts in a group setting is shaped as much by the audience and the social norms that the speaker perceives as it is by internal factors. And here those perceptions are not accidental. Frazier has socialized his students to “track”—or actively look at—the speaker and to endeavor to keep their body language and nonverbal cues positive. In Teach Like a Champion 3.0, I call that technique Habits of Attention. It is a small but critical aspect of how classrooms can maximize belonging and achievement.

Students also validated each other in other ways throughout the lesson. When a young woman named Folusho joined the discussion, she started by saying, “Ok, I agree with Vanessa…” So often, after a student speaks in class, no one other than the teacher responds or communicates that the statement was important. But when a peer’s comment begins, “I agree with…” it says implicitly that what my classmate just said is important. Such validation makes it more likely that students feel supported and successful, and that the speaker will contribute to the discussion again.

Again, this is not a coincidence. Frazier has taught his students to use phrases like that and weave their comments together, so their ideas are connected and those who have contributed feel the importance of their contributions. That technique is called Habits of Discussion. Along with Habits of Attention, it helps connect and validate students as they learn.

In addition, as Folusho was talking, her classmates began snapping their fingers. In Frazier’s classroom, that means “I agree” or “I support you.” It was a powerful dose of positive feedback at the precise moment when she, like almost anyone speaking aloud to a group of people, was most likely to momentarily wonder, “Am I making sense at all? Do I sound stupid?” Folusho suddenly got a supportive response—the snapping told her, “You’re doing great! You’re family. Let’s go!”

Again, that was deliberately woven into the fabric of the classroom. The technique, called Props, establishes procedures for students to recognize when their classmates are doing well and send affirming signals without disrupting class.

All three techniques show how a teacher like Frazier can intentionally establish a culture that reinforces both academic endeavor and a much stronger sense of belonging. And though it looks organic, there’s nothing natural about it. It’s a deliberate rewiring of social norms to maximize positive outcomes. Some skeptics label these sorts of techniques coercive or controlling, but it’s hard to watch Frazier and his students and hold on to those suspicions. Engineering the classroom to ensure positive peer-to-peer norms is about honoring young people and creating an environment that not only maximizes their learning but also their belonging—the pervading senses that school is for me and I am successful here. It’s a rewiring of the classroom that requires hard work and doggedness on the part of the teacher. But it is nothing less than students deserve.

Schools can foster student connections by providing open-ended opportunities for young people to engage. Activities might include playing games, such as chess, between classes.
Schools can foster student connections by providing open-ended opportunities for young people to engage. Activities might include playing games, such as chess, between classes.

Rewiring Schools for Belonging

Rewiring a school for belonging involves rethinking many of the things we do, such as extracurricular activities. Nashville Classical Charter School provides an example of how schools might do this. In 2021, school leaders were reconsidering how its programs could intentionally build a sense of connectedness and belonging among students. Head of School Charlie Friedman and his colleagues decided to dramatically expand after-school sports programs, to allow students to explore their identities, build relationships with trusted adults, and perform in front of a crowd.

Nashville Classical extended tryout periods, to maximize students’ opportunities feel like part of a team. Leaders also offered stipends for coaching and encouraged their best community builders to coach, by explicitly valuing expertise at culture building alongside expertise at the sport. The school engaged audiences by inviting families to vote on a mascot and created an engaging game-day experience with a cheerleading squad, songs, and chants. This attracted a substantial audience, so student-athletes could compete in front of more people and fans could build community through gathering and cheering together.

It’s important to have high-quality extracurriculars that aren’t based on years of prior experience. It’s hard for a student to decide in grade 8 that they would really like to be a part of the basketball team if they haven’t already spent years playing. But that’s not true of the debate team or the Spanish club. Those activities should be as well run as any others, rather than a lonely space with obligatory supervision where the connections are peripheral at best.

Schoolwide rituals are also important to fostering a sense of belonging. For example, Frazier’s school has a regular meeting circle where the entire school is present. Students are publicly honored for their academic excellence or for being positive members of the school community.

Character education and social and emotional learning programs can also play a role. But my advice is to build a few priorities into the fabric of the school rather than buy a program to use in an isolated manner. Positive character traits should be “caught, sought, and taught,” according to my co-author Hilary Lewis. Gratitude is a great example. When students make a habit of concretely expressing gratitude to other people in the school community, it confers mutual benefits. Expressions of gratitude make the recipients feel more connected while also confering status on the giver, because their appreciation is a thing worthy of sharing deliberately.

And, as Shawn Achor explains in his book The Happiness Advantage, expressing gratitude regularly has the effect of calling students’ attention to its presence. Repetitive thinking causes a “cognitive afterimage” where we continue to see whatever it is we’re thinking about, even when we’ve shifted focus. In other words, if you continually share and expect to be sharing examples of things you are grateful for, you start looking for them. You begin scanning the world for examples of good things to appreciate and notice more of the good that surrounds you. Gratitude is a well-being builder.

Open-ended opportunities to relax and connect outside of the classroom also foster connectedness and belonging. At Cardiff High School in Wales, for example, school leaders filled a common area with games that are easy to join. They added chess boards, card tables with decks of cards, and even a ping pong table to create opportunities for engaging, positive social interaction in between classes.

In Gerry Padilla’s Spanish classes at Marlborough High School in Massachusetts, students leave devices in a “cell phone hotel.” Restricting phone access doesn’t have to mean a ban.
In Gerry Padilla’s Spanish classes at Marlborough High School in Massachusetts, students leave devices in a “cell phone hotel.” Restricting phone access doesn’t have to mean a ban.

Saying No to Cellphones

These innovations can be powerful—but not on their own. The pull of smartphones and social media apps designed to distract is bound to undermine any expression of support, after-school sport, or card table. The single most important thing schools can do is to restrict cellphone access for large parts of the school day. This doesn’t mean banning phones, it just means setting rules. These can take different forms, like setting up cellphone lockers at the main entrance, requiring students to use cellphone-collection baskets at the classroom door, or limiting use to cellphone-approved zones in the school building. My personal preference is a simple policy: You can have your cellphone in your bag, but it must be turned off and cannot be visible during the school day. Not during lunch, not in the hall, not anywhere until after the last bell rings. If there’s an emergency and you need to contact your parents, you may use it in the main office. That’s it.

Schools must create blocks of time when students can work in a manner that allows them to rebuild their attentional skills and experience the full value of connected social interaction. They must also protect students’ opportunities to socialize with one another. Allowing students to use their phones as classroom tools (for quick research or as calculators, for example), or to leave them turned on (but with silent haptic notifications that distract nonetheless), or to turn them on during lunch or other learning breaks keeps them connected to their devices and disconnected from one another.

It won’t be easy, but it can be done. France has done it. The state of Victoria in Australia has done it. Some American public schools and districts have done it, in Missouri, Pennsylvania, Maine, and New York.

These bans are often followed by remarkable and instantaneous change. “It has transformed the school. Social time is spent talking to friends,” a teacher from Australia told my colleagues and me. “It is so nice walking around the yard seeing students actually interacting again, and no distractions during class,” said another.

The change, teachers told us, was quick—so long as you could get the adults to follow through. That is, if the rule was consistent and enforced, then students adapted quickly and were happy, even if they fought it at first. If the ban didn’t work, the problem was usually that some of the adults didn’t follow through. “Consistent enforcement from all = key,” one teacher explained in a note. “Can’t be ‘the cool teacher’.” The problem, of course, is that there’s a strong incentive to be “the cool teacher,” so schools must spend time making sure teachers understand the reasons for the rule and holding them accountable for supporting it.

School and district leaders should be prepared for doubts, skepticism, and pushback. We’ve seen this at the state level already. In 2019, lawmakers in four states proposed legislation to ban cellphones in school. But the bills, in Arizona, Maine, Maryland, and Utah, failed to advance. A rule that barred students from bringing cellphones into New York City public schools was ended in 2015, because then-Mayor Bill DeBlasio said “parents should be able to call or text their kids,” though individual schools may choose to limit phone access.

Two comments I often hear: “it’s an infringement on young people’s freedom” and “the role of schools is to teach young people to make better choices. We should talk to them about cell phones, not restrict them.”

The first response makes two assumptions: first, that there is no difference between young people and adults, and second, that there is no difference between the people who run a school—and therefore are responsible to stakeholders for outcomes—and the young people who attend the school. Both are mistaken. The purpose of a school is to give young people the knowledge and skills they require to lead successful lives. This always involves an exercise of social contract. We collectively give up something small as individuals and receive something valuable and rare in return as a group. It is impossible to run a school without this sort of give-and-take. Suggesting that we give students “freedom” to use cell phones whenever they want is trading valuable and enduring freedom that accrues later for a self-destructive indulgence in the present.

The argument that “schools should teach young people the skill of managing technology” is patently unrealistic. Schools are not designed to address, much less unravel, psychological dependence on portable supercomputers designed to disrupt and hold our attention. Teachers already have a daunting list of educational priorities. They are not trained counselors, and the school counselors on staff are in woefully short supply.

It’s magical thinking to propose that an epidemic that has doubled rates of mental health issues and changed every aspect of social interaction among millions of people is going to go away when a teacher says, “Guys, always use good judgment with your phones.” We’re not really wrestling with the problem if our response assumes that the average teacher, via a few pithy lessons, can battle a device that has addicted a generation into submission.

Restriction is a far better strategy. These efforts won’t be simple to execute, but the alternative is simply too damaging to students’ learning and well-being. Keep cellphones turned off and out of sight during the school day—and give students and educators a fighting chance to focus, reconnect, and build school cultures that nurture belonging and academic success.

Doug Lemov is founder of Teach Like a Champion and author of the Teach Like a Champion books. He is a co-author of the forthcoming book Reconnect, from which this essay is adapted. He was a managing director of Uncommon Schools, designing and implementing teacher training based on the study of high-performing teachers.

This article appeared in the Fall 2022 issue of Education Next. Suggested citation format:

Lemov, D. (2022). Take Away Their Cellphones … So we can rewire schools for belonging and achievement. Education Next, 22(4), 8-16.

For more, please see “The Top 20 Education Next Articles of 2022.”

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Time to Pull the Plug on Traditional Grading? https://www.educationnext.org/time-to-pull-plug-on-traditional-grading-supporters-say-mastery-based-grading-could-promote-equity/ Tue, 05 Jul 2022 09:00:26 +0000 https://www.educationnext.org/?p=49715506 Supporters of mastery-based grading say it could promote equity

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The practice of grading student work has mostly been an afterthought in teacher training and professional development. Grading remains idiosyncratic in most places—largely dependent on rubrics devised by individual teachers and usually rooted in century-old practices, even if they are calibrated using new technologies and software.

Letter-based grading became universal in U.S. public schools by the 1940s. Today, protocols for handing out grades of A–F on a 100-point scale vary from district to district and classroom to classroom. Generally, grading attempts to distill students’ performance on what education researcher Thomas R. Guskey calls a “hodgepodge” of measures—quizzes, tests, homework, conduct, participation, extra credit, and more—rather than gauging actual student learning.

The process is inconsistent at best, inequitable at worst, critics argue. Reform efforts made over the past two generations—such as the push for portfolio grading that gained traction in the 1980s—largely foundered, as they were viewed as too cumbersome to scale up to large districts and schools.

Now the consequences of the Covid-19 pandemic—remote learning and more failing students—twinned with renewed concerns over equity have many educators taking another look at grading. Several models exist, but so-called equitable grading is gaining momentum.

“Inherited grading practices have always hurt underserved students,” said Joe Feldman, a former teacher and author of Grading for Equity: What It Is, Why It Matters, and How It Can Transform Schools and Classrooms. “As schools reopen, there is a desire for normalcy, but we shouldn’t rubber-band back” to outdated practices, Feldman argues.

Equitable grading involves eliminating the 100-point grade scale and not penalizing students for late work and missed assignments if they can demonstrate subject mastery and even if they must retake tests or redo other assessments along the way.

Feldman says these assessment practices can help address stubborn achievement gaps and streamline the grading hodgepodge. But moves toward equitable grading seem to be rolling out in a patchwork fashion, and not without pushback and confusion.

“Because of the way it was implemented, nothing has been standard about it at all. Much has been left open to interpretation,” said Samuel Hwang, a junior at Ed W. Clark High School in Las Vegas, a school that has introduced equitable grading. “In a lot of ways, things have gotten worse.”

The 360,000-student Clark County, Nevada, district, which encompasses Las Vegas, began implementing the policy in the 2021–22 school year, on the heels of the pandemic learning disruptions. “They rushed out the new policy just when we got back to school,” said Hwang, who serves as a peer tutor. Many students, he said, are habitually late on assignments. “If your expectations are lower in terms of behavior and grading, that’s probably what you’re going to get.”

Education researcher Thomas R. Guskey
Education researcher Thomas R. Guskey refers to the current grading system as a “hodgepodge” of measures.

Equitable Grading

Feldman’s plan in Grading for Equity is a recent iteration of so-called mastery-based or standards-based assessment. With this approach, teachers base grades on a student’s end-of-course command of material, without consideration of attendant factors such as homework, extra credit, or “soft-skill” behaviors such as punctuality, attendance, handing in assignments on time, and class participation. Learners are afforded extra time and can retake tests or other assessments to demonstrate mastery or raise a grade.

“The grade is only reflective of content mastery,” said Feldman. “People mistakenly assume that grading for equity lowers standards or rigor, but it increases them. You can’t get an A jumping through hoops, so it reduces grade inflation, makes it more rigorous. There’s no more of that haggling (‘Can I get extra credit for bringing cupcakes to the end-of-year party?’). There’s no more bartering and bargaining to get points. Students become less consumed with point accumulation. We can now talk about their understanding.”

Feldman essentially frames mastery-based grading as a way of correcting historical imbalances and eliminating biases in traditional grading that he says have posed barriers to success for students of color and those from lower-income families. In his view, grading should no longer reflect factors that students may not have control over, such as whether their after-school life is conducive to finishing homework.

Joe Feldman
Joe Feldman wrote Grading for Equity and suggests eliminating the 100-point grade scale.

After getting a master’s in teaching and curriculum from Harvard University’s Graduate School of Education in 1993, Feldman served for three years as a teacher and for another 17 years in a variety of administrative jobs at four public school districts around the country. He spent just under two years as a vice president at a nonprofit focused on health education before starting Crescendo Education Group in 2013, according to his LinkedIn page.

The group is a paid consultant to schools and districts of varying sizes. In one recent contract, Crescendo was paid $114,300 to introduce 60 teachers and 30 administrators in California’s Santa Clara Unified District to grading for equity by providing coaching, support, and webinars during the 2021–2022 school year.

Feldman says he has seen firsthand the “nagging discomfort” many teachers feel toward the existing grading system, which uses points to reward students for behaviors. While some of those behaviors, such as doing homework, may improve learning, they are not “point-worthy” in and of themselves, he notes.

Stressors ease once grading is motivational rather than punitive, he says, arguing for a “coherent” 0–4 grading scale to replace the 100-point scale that remains the standard in K–12 classrooms. The latter essentially measures 60 gradations of failure, Feldman points out, and that “may not be the message we want to send to students.”

Variations of this simplified scale are widely used in standards-based grading, with some schools choosing a 1–5 or 1–4 range. The points reflect levels of skill mastery, with the lowest numbers indicating little or no understanding on the part of the student and the highest representing advanced understanding. Sometimes these figures are still translated into letter grades, but the grades are based on the four or five levels rather than a scale of 100 points.

Critics of grading for equity say there is not enough empirical data or experience to suggest that the purported successes of the approach could work at scale. In many districts that have adopted equitable grading, the process is too new—and still too inconsistent—to yield reliable research data. The complications of the pandemic also thwarted the collection of empirical data, and many educators remain unconvinced of the program’s merit.

But Feldman says his book is replete with research citations, and he produced a 2018 report, School Grading Policies Are Failing Children: A Call to Action for Equitable Grading, with data from external evaluators culled from a survey of grading in two districts before and after they adopted equitable grading practices. The first district, comprising four suburban or rural high schools, surveyed 3,700 grades issued by 24 teachers. The second was an urban district with two middle schools and one high school where 10,000 grades issued by 37 teachers were charted. In both cases the number of Ds and Fs declined, as did the number of As. The report’s data also show a narrowing of achievement gaps between white and nonwhite students and between students of varying socioeconomic backgrounds.

Feldman’s report also provides an analysis of grading from 12 secondary schools that says equitable grading by more than 60 teachers produced grades that more closely correlated with students’ scores on external standardized exams.

Pragmatic and Pedagogic Concerns

Grading for equity can involve more work for teachers, since students can progress at their individual paces and take reassessments. The teachers union in San Diego, anticipating an increased workload, filed a grievance in 2021 after that district announced plans to implement equitable grading.

Teachers at the 2,500-student Wakefield High School in Arlington, Virginia, questioned efforts last year to bring Feldman’s regimen to their district, saying the plan would lead to a decline in expectations, rigor, and accountability. In a letter to the county superintendent and district school board, they argued that grading for equity could hurt the very students it purports to help—those who may not have the advantage of academic support outside of school and who could fall behind if deadlines are relaxed.

The teachers said in the letter that the experience of remote learning during the Covid shutdowns illustrated that more students ignore homework assignments if they aren’t being graded on them. They also contended that there are skills that are more important than content mastery for students to learn, such as “the habits of mind (acquiring and synthesizing information) and work habits (timely attendance, work completion, positive participation in group activities) [that] make for successful careers.”

Other teachers have raised concerns that flexible deadlines would create pragmatic as well as pedagogic problems because earlier work is a building block for what comes later and because it would be difficult for teachers to have students on different learning trajectories.

Jody Stallings, a middle school English teacher and head of the 1,000-member Charleston Teacher Alliance in South Carolina, notes that it is imperative that his students do homework. Reading assignments must be done before class discussion. “It’s all about accountability,” he said.

He and others have questioned whether getting rid of Ds and Fs actually promotes mastery or the “reforms” just make it easier to pass. And some teachers say that the program’s reliance on “intrinsic motivation” to promote learning ignores the realities
of teaching adolescents.

In an essay in the Moultrie News of Mount Pleasant, South Carolina, Stallings said grading for equity looked like a “race to the bottom.”

“Lots of people have pushed for changes in grading policy. Feldman’s shtick is to inject a lucrative dose of race and class into the mix,” he wrote. At least one other commentator latched onto the issue to bash “woke-ism” in education.

Wakefield High School in Arlington, Virginia
Teachers at Wakefield High School in Arlington, Virginia, argued that grading for equity could hurt, rather than help.

 

A California District Embraces Grading for Equity

Proponents of equitable grading say that shoehorning learning into strict blocks of time is a leftover from the 19th- and 20th-century factory model that is best left behind. “It’s just this false concept that learning is a race. In the professional world you get to retake tests all the time,” said Feldman.

“Why wouldn’t we give students hope that they can pass the class?” asked Jeffrey Tooker, deputy superintendent for education of the Placer Union High School district in California. “The football team could lose its first two games but still win the championship. It’s about growth, and each game is a formative assessment.”

Tooker’s district is 30 miles east of Sacramento and enrolls about 4,000 students at four high schools. Situated in the foothills of the Sierra Nevada mountains, Placer Union is mostly suburban and middle-class, but nearly a third of students do qualify for free and reduced-price lunches.

In 2018, with Feldman’s guidance, the district started shifting to equitable grading, beginning with training for teachers who volunteered as part of a “pioneer group.”

“We realized that everything in education has changed, but the one thing that hasn’t changed was grading practices. A lot of grades weren’t an accurate measure of the true learning that was going on in class,” Tooker said, using the example of a student getting extra credit because her parents went to back-to-school night. “That’s not accurate or equitable.”

The new system at Placer Union eliminates points for extra credit and places more weight on end-of-term assessments, which can assume a variety of formats, from tests to projects or presentations. Students can retake assessments until they show mastery of the subject, even if it means going beyond the semester into so-called intervention periods. Grades no longer reflect punctuality or behavior.

Allysa Trimble, a senior at the district’s Foresthill High School, said the extra time “saved” her after she got an incomplete for an online world history class last year. She used the in-person intervention period to make up the work and ultimately get a B-minus.

“I don’t know if I would have been on track to graduate before,” said Trimble, who graduated in May 2022.

Trimble said she always struggled in school and had trouble focusing, and the extra time afforded by equitable grading was a gamechanger. “I understand the need to meet deadlines in the real world,” she said, “but these grades are what allow students to move on to college or the real world. . . They shouldn’t be stopping a lot of good people being able to do great things.”

Ryan Jacobson teaches English at the school. “Equitable grading really supports building relationships. There are revisions and feedback. You have conversations, which is an opportunity to develop those soft skills. The students trust you more. They own their own work,” Jacobson said.

Jacobson said he has found that many students who have traditionally done well in school are skeptical of the shift in grading. Others embrace it, and some “see it as a way to procrastinate.’’

Equitable grading has not involved more work on his part, Jacobon said. In fact, he said it eliminates counting extraneous points and largely obviates the need to review students’ Individualized Education Plans, since he is more in tune with their needs and progress.

The district still uses letter grades, but they are based on a 1–4 rubric, not a 100-point scale. Trimble said the streamlined scale “makes it very obvious what is going on and what you need to clean up. It’s more transparent. It tells you where you’re going wrong.”

Tooker said equitable grading has made a positive impact. “Our teachers who committed to this saw a reduction in Ds and Fs and a narrowing of achievement gaps for students of color,” he said, asserting that the shift also reduced the number of As in some classes, thus tamping down grade inflation.

The reduction in Ds and Fs is particularly important when it comes to admission to California’s public university system, and that’s one reason districts in that state began adopting equitable grading—and dropping “sub-C” grades—in the throes of the pandemic. (Districts elsewhere, such as Minneapolis, also eschewed failing grades during the pandemic, switching to a credit/no credit system to protect GPAs, as many students struggled with remote learning.)

In Los Angeles, as elsewhere, the pandemic-related closures took their toll on student learning. In fall 2020, so many students were at risk of failing that the L.A. Unified School District gave them extra time over the winter break to boost their grades; almost 15,000 grades went up, according to the Los Angeles Times.

But grades in the district, the largest in California, continued to decline. A Times analysis in late 2021 found the plummeting grades led to a widening of racial and ethnic achievement gaps. The newspaper also reported that far fewer L.A. Unified students were meeting the eligibility requirements for admission to the University of California and California State University systems. Before the pandemic, about 58 percent of students completed the requisite “A-G” college-prep courses with a grade of C or better, while in the class of 2022 only 46 percent were on pace to do so. A gap of 17 percentage points or more separated Black and Latino students from white and Asian students.

The Times analysis appeared on the heels of new school-district guidelines that embraced principles of equitable grading. Teachers were directed to grade students based on their mastery of course material, to give them a chance to retake tests, and not to count factors such as homework completion. The San Diego Unified District issued similar directives.

Going Forward

At its heart, the debate over grading centers on whether grading accurately measures a student’s knowledge or mastery or is, in fact, a motivational tool. “Mastery is fundamental, and when you start turning over the rocks in looking at grading practices and policy, you see how inequitable the system is on a fundamental level,” said Susan Patrick, president and CEO of the Aurora Institute and co-founder of CompetencyWorks, an advocacy and research group.

Susan Patrick
Susan Patrick of CompetencyWorks argues in favor of promoting subject mastery, not grades.

In the United States, grading systems often feature curves and cutoffs and rankings, designed to measure achievement within the constraints of artificial time blocks rather than real-time learning, noted Patrick. The system was designed to sort students rather than “getting all kids to success,” she said.

It’s an open question whether equitable grading can scale up to larger schools and districts in the long term. Foresthill High School, where Jacobson teaches, has fewer than 200 students, and getting teachers on board in a district of 4,000 students, like Placer Union, is less of a logistical lift than it might be in other districts.

In Los Angeles, for instance, the changes implemented during the pandemic have not yet become policy in the district, which enrolls 640,000 students. Spokeswoman Shannon Haber said more than 4,000 educators have participated in a series of workshops on equitable grading since 2016, and training is continuing. But the protocols are not yet required. The school board has created a task force to consider further recommendations on the issue, she said in a written statement. The district in Arlington County, Virginia, with more than 28,000 students enrolled in 41 schools, is taking a step back from grading for equity to assess concerns—like those from the Wakefield High School teachers—that arose after the initial rollout last year.

The district will review feedback over the next academic year and allow staff to “try those practices from the ground up rather than the top down,” said Sarah Putnam, director of curriculum and instruction for the Arlington schools. Putnam said it was likely that tenets of equitable grading would be introduced incrementally so that staff would be comfortable with the changes.

That was the case at Placer Union, where the process was a “slow evolution with teachers, [and] there are varying degrees of equitable grading on each campus,” said Danise Hitchcock, the principal of Foresthill High School, who was among the first group of educators in the district who trained with Feldman.

The training “opened our eyes to the fact that grading practices that we had around for 100 years were not accurate and equitable,” she said. “From teachers’ perspectives, there’s some growing pains.”

As with most things in education, change takes time and can be stymied by bureaucratic hurdles. The individualized nature of equitable grading can run afoul of computerized grading programs, for instance. Those programs, used by virtually all schools, reinforce the practice of point counting rather than measuring actual learning, proponents of equitable grading say.

Change to something as fundamental as grading is difficult in a system as diffuse and diverse as K–12 in the United States, where there are more than 13,000 school districts and where every state sets its own curriculum and learning standards.

And grading is a fraught topic for many teachers, who view it as an effective tool for classroom management and one of the last areas where they have autonomy in systems laden with mandates and requirements. Many educators and parents are unconvinced that traditional grading systems need wholesale reform.

Feldman’s equity model will likely continue to get pushback. There are other models, however, that seek to measure mastery while accounting for behavioral factors. Guskey, a senior research scholar at the University of Louisville and professor emeritus at the University of Kentucky, has spent a fair amount of time studying grading here and abroad.

Just as a doctor couldn’t adequately express the state of a patient’s health with a single number—one that, say, synthesized diverse measures such as blood pressure, weight, and cholesterol levels—so too are “hodgepodge” academic grades insufficient, Guskey argues. He advocates for grades that, at a minimum, would separately measure the “Three Ps”: product (mastery), process (behaviors such as homework and class participation), and progress (improvement).

“This changes the whole nature of how we report on students and also adds to increased equity,” said Guskey, who noted that college-admissions officers are used to seeing these more nuanced grades on the transcripts of students from abroad.

Patrick, from the Aurora Institute, agrees. “Other countries, like Canada, do a better job of measuring individual mastery. We rely on standardized testing because we haven’t built in accountability in grading practices,” she said, likening those tests to an autopsy rather than a real-time measure of learning. “The grading piece feels like a technical element, but it is a linchpin holding in place an old system.”

Patricia Alex is a freelance writer and former education reporter and editor at The Record newspaper in northern New Jersey.

This article appeared in the Fall 2022 issue of Education Next. Suggested citation format:

Alex, P. (2022). Time to Pull the Plug on Traditional Grading? Supporters of mastery-based grading say it could promote equity. Education Next, 22(4), 38-43.

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From Zero Sum to Positive Sum https://www.educationnext.org/from-zero-sum-to-positive-sum/ Tue, 21 Jun 2022 09:00:01 +0000 https://www.educationnext.org/?p=49715419 In the current system, some students succeed at the expense of others. It doesn’t have to be that way.

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Educators preach about growth and grit to children, but the system itself fails to encourage perseverance and curiosity. Instead, it does the opposite by affixing labels to students, sorting them into relatively static groups, and signaling to the students that that their effort doesn’t matter. This learning model is an outgrowth of a dangerous zero-sum mindset. That mindset creates winners and losers among students before they turn 18, and it causes society to miss out on unique talent that could have been developed. A better alternative is reinventing school culture as a whole and reorienting it toward a mastery-based, positive-sum system that will allow students to embrace their strengths and flourish.

Under today’s system, time is held as a constant and each student’s learning is variable. Students move from concept to concept after spending a fixed number of days, weeks, or months on the subject. Educators teach, sometimes administer a test, and move students on to the next unit or body of material regardless of the class’s results, effort, and understanding of the topic. Students typically receive feedback and results much later and only after they have progressed.

The system signals to students that it doesn’t matter if they stick with something, because they’ll move on either way. This approach undermines the value of perseverance and curiosity, as it does not reward students for spending more time on a topic. It also demotivates students, as many become bored when they don’t have to work at topics that come easily to them or when they fall behind because they don’t understand a building-block concept. Yet the class continues to progress, and students develop holes in their learning. This fixed-time, variable-learning system fails students.

Contrast this with a mastery-based—or competency-based—learning model in which time becomes the variable and learning becomes guaranteed. Students only move on from a concept once they demonstrate mastery of the knowledge and skills at hand. If they initially fail, that’s fine. Failure is an integral part of the learning process. Students stick with a task, learn from the failures, and work until they demonstrate mastery. For core knowledge and concepts, success is both required and guaranteed.

Mastery-based learning systematically embeds perseverance into its design. It showcases having a growth mindset, because students can improve their performance and master academic knowledge, skills, and habits of success.

Even if teachers today talk about the importance of perseverance and growth mindset, today’s system doesn’t reward those habits. It undermines them.

Similarly, by not providing timely, actionable feedback, schools demotivate learners. Research shows that when students receive feedback but cannot improve their performance with that feedback, it has a negative influence on student learning. Conversely, when students can use the feedback, it has a positive impact on learning. It also opens the door to more positive and personalized interactions with teachers. Those interactions build trust.

Our school structures are built on a historical legacy of sorting students out of the education system at various intervals. This stems from a scarcity mentality—that there are only a few opportunities, so we must select those students who will benefit the most and discard the rest. These structures make judgments about students’ capacities before the students have had a fair chance to prove themselves.

According to author Todd Rose, the opposite of a zero-sum system is a positive-sum system, where the pie grows as individuals succeed.

The Perils of the Zero-Sum Mindset

This zero-sum mindset—that for every winner there must be a loser—means that, by age 18, before people have lived most of their lives, we have labeled the vast majority of students. Instead of helping them understand their strengths and make decisions about potential career paths, we have signaled to many that they aren’t good enough for certain pathways or that they are “below” others.

Although this might be easier administratively than the alternative, it is devastating. This overlooks talent that could be developed. And it ignores that so much of our society—like capitalism, when it works properly—is built on a positive-sum mindset. Schooling and its scarcity mindset are anomalies today.

As Todd Rose, author of The End of Average, told Diane Tavenner and me on our Class Disrupted podcast, the opposite of a zero-sum game is a positive-sum one in which the pie grows larger as individuals achieve success. One of Adam Smith’s central insights in the 1700s, Rose said, is that “the mercantilist idea of zero-sum economies was just fatally wrong” and that society should instead create the correct conditions for self-interest to engender positive-sum outcomes. A big benefit from moving to a positive-sum system is that instead of competing to be the best—as you would in a zero-sum game—you compete to be unique.

“The last thing you want to do is be competing with some other people on the exact same thing. It limits you. It limits your value,” Rose said. He said his research shows that trying to be unique “translates into much higher life satisfaction.”

That’s the opposite of those who compete to be the best, “in which even higher levels of achievement do not correlate with higher life satisfaction or happiness. So there’s something about understanding how to compete, to be unique and achieving on that uniqueness. That matters both for personal fulfillment and the life I want to live, but also ultimately my greatest contribution to society.”

Competition can be good. Social comparisons can help an individual realize certain things are possible that they would not have imagined otherwise. But when we shrink the definition of life success and only value people on a few uniform and narrow dimensions, competition is problematic. Competition is also a problem when we declare, prematurely, that the game is over.

People don’t learn in a linear way, all on the same path and at the same pace. People develop at different rates. They have different strengths and weaknesses, with different contexts, background knowledge, working memory and cognitive capacities, and social and emotional learning states. It’s vital that we do not sort students off of a pathway too soon . Instead, we’d be better off creating and illuminating a variety of viable pathways. Customizing is critical to helping every child fulfill their human potential.

Peter Driscoll, a physical-education teacher at Hartford High School in Vermont, has personalized his classes. Students set their own goals and compete against themselves.
Peter Driscoll, a physical-education teacher at Hartford High School in Vermont, has personalized his classes. Students set their own goals and compete against themselves.

A Better Way Forward

Moving to a mastery-based system offers a path to escaping the traditional zero-sum system.

In a traditional education system, teachers often subconsciously compare their students. They do this explicitly when they use a curve to grade the class. Under such a system, there is a cost for a given student to help and support their peers. At worst, providing such help undermines the helping student’s own chance for success and opportunity. When schools are sorting students, comparing them to one another, and doling out scarce opportunity in the form of selective-college admissions, there are few incentives to cooperate rather than compete. All of this works against helping students have fun with each other as they learn.

Competition for extrinsic reasons—out of a desire to be the best for its own sake, not for the intrinsic value of the experience—has clear downsides. Experts ranging from the New York Times’s Frank Bruni to Harvard’s Michael Sandel have offered observations on the current system and raised questions about how healthy this is for the individuals themselves, as well as for society writ large.

“Our credentialing function is beginning to crowd out our educational function,” Sandel said in an interview with the Chronicle for Higher Education. “Students win admission to [exclusive institutions] by converting their teenage years—or their parents converting their teenage years—into a stress-strewn gauntlet of meritocratic striving. That inculcates intense pressure for achievement. So even the winners in the meritocratic competition are wounded by it, because they become so accustomed to accumulating achievements and credentials, so accustomed to jumping through hoops and pleasing their parents and teachers and coaches and admissions committees, that the habit of hoop-jumping becomes difficult to break. By the time they arrive in college, many find it difficult to step back and reflect on what’s worth caring about, on what they truly would love to study and learn.”

Rose said this competition to be the best for its own sake is counterproductive and nonsensical.

“Literally you gotta be the same as everyone else only better,” he said. “Take the same test,” but get a higher score. “Take the same classes. Get better grades.”

The problem, according to Rose, is that our current system of education—and selective higher education in particular—is zero sum.

The good news is that moving to a mastery-based system and measuring students against a standard instead of each other can lift students and teachers into a positive-sum system. The success of some students would no longer be at the expense of others. Incorporating projects and small-group learning where students are actively giving each other feedback and supporting each other also helps lift students and educators into a positive-sum system.

As students seek to carve out their own pathways in life and be the unique individuals they are, comparisons can shift from trying to label someone’s ability on a narrow set of measures to instead understanding who they are becoming. Where comparison is still important, we can look at students’ depth of learning to understand where their passions are, their progress against their goals, or even their rate of learning to see which areas are truly their strengths and aptitudes. This offers a better way for educators to help all students build their passions, fulfill their potential, and understand how they can best contribute to society.

Transforming Physical Education

An example from outside traditional academics—in the realm of fitness in schools—helps illustrate some of the principles.

Although fitness can bolster students’ academic success, the place where fitness should occur in most schools—physical-education class—is all too often focused on teaching organized sports and games rather than ensuring that each student is moving daily and improving their fitness. Far too often, PE class makes some individuals feel like failures.

Peter Driscoll, a PE teacher at Hartford High School in the Hartford School District of Vermont, has spent much of his teaching career changing that dynamic. An avid CrossFitter, Driscoll brings an ethos of CrossFit into his classes, with a focus on building a foundation of fitness in each individual. Other teachers in the building have told Driscoll that they notice the students are in a much better space for learning after his class.

But Driscoll hasn’t just helped students be successful in other areas. He’s changed the methodology of his class so that all students can experience success in PE itself.

The first change he implemented was when he was teaching elementary school. At the start of each class, he had the children do a “Tabata Workout,” in which an individual works out for 20 seconds,  rests for 10 seconds, and then works out again for a total of four minutes. In many cases, that working out was just running back and forth across the gym. Because it was time based, no child finished before any other child. The students loved it.

This practice changed what Driscoll had observed previously. “The kids who really loved PE were the kids who were innately good at fleeing, chasing, and dodging, and they had the coordination and agility skills, and they were just supersized,” he told me. “And the other kids didn’t. They didn’t have that self-confidence from our class that I wanted them to. So when I switched to kind of a fitness-based approach and got away from team games and the competitive side of team sports, the program has blossomed, and the kids would go home and rave about what they did in class. And I got a ton of support from the parents.”

Driscoll has since expanded his work.

His high school students now set personal fitness goals with clear numbers attached to them. This is to ensure a student is competing only against that particular student’s own prior performance and future goals, not anyone else in the class or school.

Students plan how they will tackle the workout of the day. What’s their strategy, and how will they pace themselves? Where do they need to scale a given movement, for example, so that they can safely and successfully complete the workout?

Finally, after the workout, the students receive immediate feedback on how they did. They use the information to reflect with Driscoll on what they can do better to realize their personal goals.

The result is one where each student is essentially enjoying a personalized PE class.  This allows students to experience the feelings of daily success along with the endorphins and dopamine produced by both sweat and authentic accomplishments.

Reinventing Culture

As schools seek to reinvent themselves, caring about culture is critical. But in the current zero-sum education system, it’s impossible to create a culture where every single child is valued.

The current time-based system focuses on sorting students. That compels teachers to judge students relative to others, rather than focusing solely on how to support each child so that all can be successful. Until schools move to a positive-sum system centered around a mastery guarantee rather than time, it won’t be possible to create a true culture that prioritizes every child. That is a sobering thought. Some educators in schools that sweat the small stuff for every child will undoubtedly protest its validity, but, writ large across the system, it’s true.

The road to positive-sum schooling system starts with small steps, not big leaps. Rather than impose a big vision of systems change that doesn’t help individuals with their specific challenges, we should encourage each child, teacher, and parent to make progress as they define it for themselves. This will ameliorate their struggles, improve morale, ensure mastery for each child, and move us to a positive-sum school system over time. In such a system, the measure would not be time, but progress, as individual children chase their most daring dreams.

Adapted from From Reopen to Reinvent: (Re)creating School for Every Child, coming from Jossey-Bass in July 2022. Michael B. Horn is executive editor of Education Next, co-founder of and distinguished fellow at the Clayton Christensen Institute for Disruptive Innovation, and senior strategist at Guild Education.

This article appeared in the Fall 2022 issue of Education Next. Suggested citation format:

Horn, M.R. (2022). From Zero Sum to Positive Sum: In the current system, some students succeed at the expense of others. It doesn’t have to be that way. Education Next, 22(4), 44-49.

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Inflation Will Put Districts in a Pickle https://www.educationnext.org/inflation-will-put-districts-in-pickle-adding-pressure-salary-negotiations-teachers-staff/ Wed, 20 Apr 2022 09:00:54 +0000 https://www.educationnext.org/?p=49715319 Adding pressure to salary negotiations for teachers and staff

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Teachers and supporters march from the MPS Nutrition Center to the John B. Davis Education Service Center during a rally in the first day of the teachers strike Tuesday, March 8, 2022. This is the city district's first teachers strike since 1970.
Minneapolis teachers went on strike, demanding a near-20-percent raise.

Talking with school district leaders in early March, I asked how they were thinking about today’s record-high inflation and its impacts on their systems’ finances. Turns out, most weren’t thinking about it at all.

On the one hand, that inattention was fair. At 90 percent of the budget, districts’ biggest expense is labor, which is frozen in place for the duration of the labor agreement. Any immediate inflationary impacts, like those of rising fuel costs, were impacting only a tiny portion of the budget (transportation costs amount to well under 5 percent of a district’s expenses). Some leaders noted that prices were rising for utilities, food service, and construction projects, but those things typically make up only a small slice of the pie.

Besides, districts are flush with federal relief funds right now.

Then I asked about upcoming labor negotiations and what they expected the ask would be from teachers and staff, given the skyrocketing inflation rate. That’s when I got their attention.

For most districts, the much larger inflationary wallop will come as districts adjust their salaries. Schooling is a notoriously labor-intensive industry. But still, most districts tend not to think about salaries until the current labor contract ends and the negotiating starts. And since teacher attrition is lower than attrition in other industries and tends to happen between school years, the effects of inflation only emerge as contract talks begin.

That time is imminent. Scanning the 44 larger districts that are members of the Edunomics Lab’s district finance network, which meets regularly about finance strategy, we found that more than half have contracts expiring this spring or are operating under an already-expired contract.

In the coming few weeks, teachers and other employees will be calling for sizable raises. They see that they are paying more for things like food, gas, and travel, and they want a raise so inflation doesn’t erode their purchasing power. And they see that other industries are moving quickly to hike salaries for their employees.

For some districts, it’s already happening. Minneapolis teachers went on strike amidst a demand for a near-20-percent raise. Teachers in Proviso, Illinois, walked out over demands for a 12.75-percent hike. Salary pressure is looking even more intense for lower-wage district employees, like aides, custodians, and food-service workers.

Federal relief funds are further complicating labor markets. It’s not just existing employees creating the salary pressure. In fact, the push to raise pay comes while many districts are deep into a hiring spree brought on by the mammoth infusion of temporary federal relief funds. With a use-it-or-lose-it spending deadline of September 2024, districts know they need to move quickly to spend down these funds, and many still have spots they haven’t filled.

With so many districts attempting to hire from a tight labor pool, the long list of unfilled positions is adding even more pressure to boost pay. Unemployment rates among college graduates are now at 2 percent, and for many districts, the only way to fill the federally funded open positions is to hire out from under the district next door with—wait for it—higher salaries.

This is where things will get tricky down the road. The compensation districts agree to in these inflationary times will tend to become permanent. A 5-percent raise gets enshrined in every cell on the traditional step-and-lane pay scale. It becomes the new baseline against which any future raises are awarded. This means that districts must accept the newer and higher cost structure going forward.

But how will a district with limited funds make ends meet when costs rise? Districts can’t pass off higher costs to the customer, as grocery stores do, or move quickly to lay off labor when the economy shrinks, as organizations in other industries do, because layoffs in education are politically difficult and enormously disruptive for students and staff alike.

Therein lies the problem: Locking in permanent pay increases now may exacerbate the financial ticking time bomb for districts.

Right now, districts are spending over $3 billion in federal relief funds per month, but that ends in 30 months. This fiscal cliff will financially destabilize any district unable to meet its ongoing commitments without relief funds. That includes any district using federal funds to pay for permanent raises or newly hired staff, or to backfill budget gaps (which is happening right now in Minneapolis, Seattle, and Houston). Making matters worse, some districts are facing dwindling student enrollment. Since enrollment tends to drive state aid, fewer students mean less funding.

With most state budgets flush with cash, district leaders may be optimistic that the finances will work out in the end. But those surpluses are the product of a booming economy, and economists are now warning that efforts to address high inflation will bring a corresponding slowing of economic growth. That slowing will affect state revenues, and ultimately districts, making it unlikely that new state money will blunt a district’s fall off the fiscal cliff.

What can districts do? District leaders aren’t powerless. They have options to balance the long-term cost structure while addressing the most pressing labor needs. They can start by acknowledging the raises already built into the steps and columns in the pay scale. These automatic features tend to bring an annual raise for each year of experience and additional increments for any graduate credits earned (generally amounting to 3 percent or more).

They can consider one-time, flat dollar raises instead of across-the-board percentage-based raises that disproportionately benefit the most senior staff. A 7-percent raise on a senior teacher’s $100,000 salary brings $7,000 in new pay. For a junior teacher making $50,000, the same 7-percent raise delivers only $3,500. Districts could propose, say, a $4,200 bonus; that represents 7 precent on an average salary of $60,000. Notably, employees perceive raises expressed in dollars as larger than the same raise communicated in percentage terms.

Districts can recognize that we’re not in a business-as-usual labor moment and, as such, target higher pay for staff in higher demand. In the wake of the pandemic and labor shortages, there seems to be a softening of traditional resistance to targeted pay. District leaders could contemplate floating bonuses to help hire staff in areas where they’ve had trouble filling positions and to hold on to staff in areas where they’ve had trouble with retention.

While they have money, districts can trade pay raises for corresponding cost reductions elsewhere in the budget to mitigate the net effects. These reductions could include adjustments to health, vision, dental, and retirement benefits, since most employees prefer pay over comparable spending on benefits. (While health-care costs have risen at a slower rate than other parts of the economy in the last year, forecasters expect those costs may rise soon.)

They can also make some pay increments non-pensionable—as the state of North Carolina did for stipends it awarded to all teachers this fall—otherwise a raise ultimately drives up pension obligations. Or they can ask for concessions on other costly items in the contract, like class size constraints, or requirements that each school have a specific complement of staff.

All financial decisions involve tradeoffs. Yes, inflation amps up the spending pressure on districts. But it’s up to districts to balance today’s inflation headlines with an eyes-wide-open approach to what lies ahead.

Otherwise, the financial disruption coming in a year or two will leave students in the lurch.

Marguerite Roza is research professor at Georgetown University and director of Edunomics Lab.

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Some Pods Will Outlast the Pandemic https://www.educationnext.org/some-pods-will-outlast-pandemic-students-parents-appreciate-support/ Tue, 02 Nov 2021 09:00:18 +0000 https://www.educationnext.org/?p=49714067 Students, parents say they appreciate the support

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At the KaiPod Learning pod in Newton, Massachusetts, students are taught one on one or in small groups by former school teachers. Students often work outdoors or while listening to music, and KaiPod provides enrichment activities tailored to students’ interests.
At the KaiPod Learning pod in Newton, Massachusetts, students are taught one on one or in small groups by former school teachers. Students often work outdoors or while listening to music, and KaiPod provides enrichment activities tailored to students’ interests.

In a Historic House museum in Newton, Massachusetts, nine children seated at three tables configured in a U-shape are each working on their own online lesson. After their 25-minute “Pomodoro” cycle—a time-management technique designed to optimize one’s ability to focus on a specific task—they break for a variety of outdoor recreational activities, from badminton to Bananagrams.

The children are enrolled in KaiPod Learning, a program that offers small-group learning pods with access to virtual schools, in-person tutoring and support, and a variety of student-driven enrichment activities. The day I visited, many, but not all, of the students planned to join a yoga session in the afternoon.

KaiPod is among the startup pods that emerged from the height of the pandemic and that have so far survived.

In the summer of 2020, the frenzy around learning pods—also called microschools and pandemic pods—was high. As described in “The Rapid Rise of Pandemic Pods” (What Next, Winter 2021), families—including mine—were frenetically assembling or joining them out of a desire to preserve some in-person support, community, and normalcy in an otherwise abnormal year.

At the same time, equity concerns and parent shaming ran rampant. Educators, researchers, and the media worried about who would have access to these pods and whether low-income families would be left out of them.

A year later, the scene looks different. While the Delta variant has kept plans changing, people seem more interested in a return to in-person schooling. The conversation around pods hasn’t vanished, but it has quieted. Many families, including my own, pulled out of their pods last year because they found them unsustainable for any number of reasons.

And yet many pods that have an institutional structure behind them, rather than being fully parent-run, have survived. They are finding their niches and growing. Despite fears that pods would benefit only people in prosperous suburbs such as Newton, some of the most robust pod experiments have taken place in school districts disproportionately serving low-income and minority students. According to the Center for Reinventing Public Education, which collected information on 372 different learning pods during the pandemic, 36 percent of the largest urban school districts operated or sponsored learning pods during the pandemic, for example, with the majority of these focused on explicitly serving the most vulnerable students. According to CRPE, nearly 39 percent of these pods operated throughout the 2020–21 year. Only 12 percent definitively closed; it was unclear what happened to the remainder.

Some districts are seeking to continue to make use of pods to create alternative schooling arrangements that better support those children who need it the most. It’s worth monitoring to see if something more durable persists from this movement as the nation moves through a third year of interrupted schooling. Case studies from Cleveland and Boston, as well as DeKalb County in Georgia, Edgecombe County in North Carolina, and Guilford County in North Carolina, help give a deeper sense of how the pods performed and what they may facilitate in the years ahead.

Cleveland

When Cleveland declared in July of 2020 that the school year would begin remotely, community organizations—including the Cleveland Foundation, MyCom, Say Yes Cleveland, and the United Way of Cleveland—sprang into action alongside the Cleveland Municipal School District. As documented in a report, “Building Community-based Academic Learning Pods for Cleveland’s Children,” the organizations worked to open 24 pods that served 808 of Cleveland’s most vulnerable students, all but 32 of whom were enrolled in kindergarten through 8th grade. The funds were largely from philanthropic sources, although federal CARES Act funds also supported the effort.

The top reason for which parents and guardians reported enrolling students in the pods was educational support, followed by needing safe care while they worked. For some students, the pods served as an option of last resort, without which they would not have been able to attend classes online, despite the district’s distribution of computers and internet hotspots. This is because many students lived exclusively with their grandparents, who were unable to help them log on. Students in grades K–5 were particularly in need of such assistance. Other students were challenged by homelessness or utilities that were disconnected at home. Attendance at the pods was relatively high at 75 percent overall and 85 percent among the K–5 students.

Students and parents were overwhelmingly satisfied with the pod experience, with 98 percent of parents expressing appreciation. At the same time, 55 percent of parents said the pods didn’t meet students’ academic needs, but it’s hard to know how that compares to expectations or the counterfactual of what students’ academic experience would have been without the pods. Academic data from the pods hasn’t been released yet to shed light on this topic, but there are a few preliminary bright spots. The district’s data, for example, showed that the pod students logged into the district’s learning-management system more and completed more assignments than the non-pod students. Judy Willard, one of the staff members at one of the pods, reported that students were on track with their academic learning despite many having started the year 65 lessons behind.

The pods in Cleveland are not in operation for this 2021–22 school year, but the district is exploring using a pod-like structure to facilitate student-led peer-tutoring efforts.

Boston

In Boston, as in Cleveland, a group of community organizations—the YMCA of Greater Boston, Latinos for Education, Inquilinos Boricuas en Acción, and the BASE—came together through philanthropic funding to stand up 12 pods that enrolled over 165 students, 82 percent of whom identified as Black or Latinx. Eleven of the pods were in person for K–8 students, and one was virtual for high school students.

The organizations had been coordinating prior to Covid to reimagine schooling to close the opportunity gap for Boston students of color. When they launched their pods in September 2020, they had four principal goals: to offer a safe and supportive environment; create a daily structure to help students stay on track; demonstrate the benefits of students working with Black and Latinx staff; and set up a broader infrastructure to support students.

Bellwether Education, an education consultancy, studied and advised the intervention relative to those goals. There were positives and negatives. Attendance was lower than expected, and Bellwether’s forthcoming report doesn’t provide quantitative academic outcomes. On the other hand, with 95 percent of the staff identifying as Black or Latinx and 100 percent holding previous educational experience, 76 percent of parents said their child’s connection was stronger with the pod staff than with their regular school teacher. Ninety-two percent of parents further reported that they were informed by staff about their child’s day. This kind of family engagement could be a harbinger of greater academic connection and progress, although it’s hard to know given the limited data released so far.

Given the lack of a virtual schooling option in Boston for the 2021–22 school year, the pods are not continuing, but the leaders of the community organizations are seeking to find novel ways to partner with the local schools to continue providing the full set of child supports that, based on the survey data, parents appreciated.

The Future of Pods

Unlike Boston and Cleveland, some districts are actively continuing their pods.

Along with TNTP, a nonprofit education consultancy, CRPE created more in-depth partnerships with six school districts to try to create something more lasting and transformational out of the pods movement. DeKalb County School District in Georgia, for example, is using the pods to reinvent alternative schools. Alternative schools, which serve students who have dropped out or transferred from traditional schools, have historically struggled to show the value they add for students.

Edgecombe County Public Schools in North Carolina launched learning hubs last fall to help students connect to online classes and get in-person support. District leaders discovered that families valued increased flexibility around where and when learning happened, so they worked with students and teachers to design a “spoke-and-hub model.” Long-term, the district hopes this model will offer a new approach to school that builds stronger connections between school and community. In this more hybrid future of schooling, students would enroll in a brick-and-mortar or virtual school for the “hub” of their experience and then elementary and middle school students will join “spokes”—or interest-based groups—for the other time. High school students will receive tutor-like support and work at paid positions or internships.

Guildford County Public Schools, also in North Carolina, is looking to craft school days in which high school students learn for three hours in person and then have more flexible time out of school to engage in a variety of activities, including completing assignments, working, or receiving tutoring or other enrichment opportunities. The district envisions this as part of a greater overhaul of their high schools that weren’t serving many students effectively, even before Covid.

It seems unlikely that pods will be a dominant force in American schooling anytime soon. They will likely fade in influence relative to the 2020–21 school year. Yet many parents and district leaders remain intrigued by the possibilities pods create—enough so that this option will persist in some localities as one schooling choice in a broader set. Indeed, Tyton Partners, an education advisory firm, estimates that 1.5 million children are enrolled in microschools this fall. Based on the reported parent satisfaction, the pods seeded in some of these localities may continue to grow.

Michael Horn is an executive editor of Education Next, co-founder of and a distinguished fellow at the Clayton Christensen Institute for Disruptive Innovation, and senior strategist at Guild Education.

This article appeared in the Winter 2022 issue of Education Next. Suggested citation format:

Horn, M.B. (2022). Some Pods Will Outlast the Pandemic: Students, parents say they appreciate the support. Education Next, 22(1), 84-86.

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How D.C. Moved Teacher-Hiring Earlier and Used Data To Boost Quality and Diversity https://www.educationnext.org/how-d-c-moved-teacher-hiring-earlier-used-data-improve-quality-diversity/ Wed, 06 Oct 2021 09:00:28 +0000 https://www.educationnext.org/?p=49714021 “We do not want to be in a position where it’s August and we’re scrambling to fill positions”

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Begaeta Ahmic, a math teacher at Roosevelt High School, helps students with their work.
Begaeta Ahmic, a math teacher at Roosevelt High School, helps students with their work.

On a Wednesday evening in May, the personnel committee at the District of Columbia’s Roosevelt High School sifted through a batch of recent candidate applications, working to fill the school’s openings by June. The committee combined its own hiring requirements with a comprehensive, data-driven vetting system known as TeachDC, which was developed by D.C. Public Schools over the course of a decade.

The distinctive DCPS hiring system provides the leaders of the 116 schools in the district of more than 50,000 students with a pool of highly vetted teacher candidates but then lets the school leaders make the final hiring decisions for their schools.

Under the centralized TeachDC model, prospective teachers submit applications and answer questions through a common portal. The candidates then are interviewed by veteran DCPS teachers who have earned “effective” or “highly effective” ratings under the DCPS teacher-evaluation system. The most promising applicants are put into a “recommended pool” that is housed in a central database that principals can customize to their schools’ hiring needs. Principals and their hiring committees can draw from the pool or find their own candidates.

The DCPS hiring system has produced encouraging results. The district’s schools are receiving more applications from a more diverse pool of candidates. Ninety-eight percent of the district’s teaching vacancies were filled by the first day of school in the 2020–21 school year. Highly vetted applicants of the sort hired under the TeachDC program prove to be stronger teachers, research suggests.

DCPS allowed me to follow Roosevelt’s recruitment, selection, and hiring of teachers for the 2021–22 school year to understand the district’s systematic approach to staffing.

On this day in May, Roosevelt, a comprehensive high school in a rapidly gentrifying neighborhood, still needed a 9th-grade Algebra 1 teacher, two 10th-grade geometry teachers, an 11th-grade Algebra 2 teacher, and a teacher certified in both special education and math. A special-education teacher at the school, also certified in math, wanted to move into the Algebra 2 spot. The group agreed, which created a second special-education opening. The committee also decided to offer Algebra 1 and geometry positions to two people who had just completed their teacher training at Roosevelt as part of the Urban Teacher residency program, one of two national residency programs operating in the district, before diving into a discussion of the candidates interviewed that day.

Every year, before the hiring season begins, Principal Justin Ralston meets with the district staffing coordinator assigned to Roosevelt to project hiring needs for the coming school year. A central-office recruitment-team member assigned to the school stays in touch regularly and provides additional support for especially hard-to-fill openings. DCPS also shares resources with principals, such as exemplar hiring criteria, questions they can use during candidate interviews, and a hiring guide, as well as hiring webinars for all school leaders to share best practices. Roosevelt uses both TeachDC and a hiring tab on its own homepage to source job applicants. To identify vacancies early, DCPS pays a $1,000 bonus to teachers if they announce their departure by April 1.

Roosevelt Principal Ralston (right) consults with Resident Principal Donnell Cox.
Roosevelt Principal Justin Ralston (right) consults with Resident Principal Donnell Cox.

Candidates who respond to the school’s homepage have not necessarily gone through the centralized screening process to make it into the recommended pool. But by filling out an interest form through the school’s website, they have shown a particular interest in Roosevelt, which the staff views as a plus. The school administration and personnel committee regularly scour both sites for potential candidates and reach out to conduct initial phone interviews, after which a candidate may be recommended for a more in-depth interview by the personnel committee.

The school keeps an internal tracker of all applicants and job openings. In his weekly email to staff, Ralston includes a spreadsheet of existing vacancies and the status of interviews and hiring. That helps to encourage staff members to find and refer potential candidates. “Word of mouth is incredibly powerful in education,” he says.

Roosevelt has its own robust screening and selection criteria, in addition to those used by TeachDC, to ensure prospective hires match its unique needs and culture. All candidates, including those recommended by the district, must submit performance tasks prior to their in-depth interview. For example, candidates may be asked to look at student data, extrapolate what it means, and design reteaching options or observe a lesson and analyze what went well and what didn’t. Ralston says Roosevelt designed the performance tasks to gather more evidence on candidates’ teaching practices. “We rely heavily on the performance tasks,” he says, which the school developed in partnership with Internationals Network, a network of schools and educators serving multilingual learners.

“We want to know how they think,” explains Begaeta Ahmic, a 9th-grade math teacher and the personnel committee chair. “Their responses give us a lot of insight before we even sit down to talk to them. And we give them time to talk about those tasks during the interview as well, especially if we have follow-up questions.”

Members of the personnel committee take turns leading the interview based on questions the team has developed. Those questions have evolved over time, but generally focus on identifying candidates who share three Roosevelt priorities: family engagement, including a passionate commitment to serving Roosevelt’s students and families; innovative teaching strategies for their subject; and value for Roosevelt’s school community, shown through collaborative thinking and a positive response to feedback.

During one interview for the job opening in special education and math, for example, interviewers asked the candidate to describe a specific time when he struggled to connect with a parent. They also asked him to describe an experience in which he collaborated with a team member and it didn’t go well. How did he handle those situations, and what did he learn?

Because Roosevelt is the only comprehensive high school in the district with a global-studies program, the interviewers also asked the candidate how he might use contemporary world issues to increase rigor in the classroom. A math teacher on the committee asked, “How would you help students understand that division by zero is undefined?” A special-education teacher asked how the candidate managed time to meet paperwork deadlines and instruction and how he collaborated with general-education teachers to benefit students.

Ahmic, who has been on the personnel committee for four years, asserts the importance of a good group of colleagues. “I really want to be part of deciding who will be at Roosevelt the following year,” she says. “It’s so amazing to me that teachers have such a loud voice in this process. It’s literally teachers making the call, and I think that transparency in hiring is pretty amazing. I know it’s not the case everywhere.” When the committee cannot reach consensus, they put it to a vote. Ralston walks every staff member—including the two assistant principals and director of operations—through the hiring process. Teachers have led the decisionmaking for all positions in the building, and he has never countered their choices.

During the hiring season, the personnel committee typically conducts interviews every Tuesday and Wednesday after school until six or seven in the evening. The interview season usually starts in April, with the goal of being fully staffed by June. “We do not want to be in a position where it’s August and we’re scrambling to fill positions,” says Ahmic, noting that the earlier they start the process, the more candidates they can interview “to really find somebody who would be a good fit for the school.” She adds, “If we’re hiring another Algebra 1 teacher, I want to work with that teacher over the summer to get to know each other and prepare ourselves for the upcoming school year.”

Stacy Fells is Roosevelt's chief of school staff
Stacy Fells is Roosevelt’s chief of school staff.

Filling all of its positions for 2021–22 was particularly challenging for Roosevelt. On top of the staffing challenges the Covid-19 pandemic has created for schools nationwide and normal staff turnover, the school lost several staff members who had provisional teaching licenses and did not earn their permanent licenses on time. In addition, it had to fill new job openings because the school’s student population is growing. Many of its openings were in shortage areas, such as special education and math, and there was also an opening for a school psychologist.

To help recruit candidates, Roosevelt uses social media such as Instagram and Twitter to showcase the school throughout the year. It holds its own open houses, advertised through word of mouth, for prospective teachers. This year, the district’s first virtual hiring fair also helped surface job candidates. After the hiring fair in April, 45 candidates completed “interest forms” on Roosevelt’s hiring web page. Stacy A. Fells, Roosevelt’s chief of school staff, is responsible for making sure job applicants feel supported, letting them know where they are in the application process and, once they are hired, helping them navigate the system’s onboarding process.

Diversity is a priority for Roosevelt, since half of its students are Black and the other half are Latino, pulled from across the city.

At the district level, DCPS has promoted diversity by pursuing partnerships with national organizations such as Teach For America, the Urban Teacher residency program, and Relay Graduate School of Education, which offers a teacher-residency program. All have track records of recruiting skilled and diverse teaching talent.

DCPS has also begun collaborating with local universities. It is partnering with Howard University to recruit teachers of color in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics. Through Howard’s teacher-residency program, participants earn a master of education degree in exchange for a three-year commitment to teach in DCPS. The residency program aims to recruit a cohort of at least 50 percent males per year and attract the majority of candidates from a range of disciplines and occupations. The district has also paired with American University and George Washington University to recruit educators to fill teaching and school-leadership vacancies and is working with Georgetown University to create a pipeline of dual-language educators, with an emphasis on developing local talent.

DCPS is addressing its diversity challenge from another direction, as well. Effective and highly effective teachers who interview job candidates go through an extensive training process with equity front and center to ensure that bias doesn’t creep into their interviews. To ensure high-needs schools like Roosevelt can attract and retain teaching talent, the district has a program known as Rigorous Instruction Supports Equity, or RISE. That program provides targeted support to 42 high-needs schools, including preferential access to district hiring fairs, hiring incentives to teachers in critical-shortage areas hired by July 1, mentoring support for novice educators, and opportunities for highly effective teachers in these schools to fill advanced instructional and leadership roles under the district’s career-ladder system.

Roosevelt High math teacher Juarez Cesar helps a student with his work.
Roosevelt High math teacher Juarez Cesar helps a student with his work.

Against the backdrop of the district’s efforts, Roosevelt has approached the diversity challenge in two ways. It benefits from DCPS’s partnership with Urban Teachers to help grow, develop, and cultivate its own in-house pool of teaching candidates. There were seven Urban Teacher residents at Roosevelt in the 2020–21 school year, the most of any school in the district.

Cesar Juarez, who teaches 11th- and 12th-grade math at Roosevelt and serves on the personnel committee, completed his Urban Teacher residency training at Roosevelt after graduating with an undergraduate degree in chemical engineering. “I was really blessed to be able to find a good fit right away,” he says. “I just wanted to be in a school community that has students that look like me. I’d never had a teacher who was Latino when I was growing up in Chicago.”

During his two years as a teacher resident, working alongside a high-performing mentor teacher, he was able to observe classrooms in multiple subjects, not just math. “I wanted to see what the Roosevelt student experience is like holistically from the moment they walk in until they walk across the graduation stage,” he recalls. “I really feel like I was learning so much from the school community.”

In addition to growing its own candidates through Urban Teachers, Roosevelt prioritizes hiring DCPS alumnae who grew up in the district—both because they are more familiar with the community and the historical challenges facing city residents and because they are less likely to leave. “We have been able to really expand our DCPS alumnae at Roosevelt over the last couple of years,” says Ralston, noting that 20 of his 132 staff members are products of DCPS.

By the end of June, Roosevelt had filled all but one of its teacher vacancies for the 2021–22 school year. Of its new hires, most came from TeachDC, including previous Urban Teacher residents at Roosevelt. Two others came through direct contacts Ralston had with a school where he once worked that was phasing out its middle school, and one teacher came through a recommendation by another staff member.

Over the next few years, school systems will receive a historic influx of funding to address fallout from the pandemic. A powerful way for districts to use those funds to improve student achievement, especially for low-income students and students of color, is to strengthen their teacher-recruitment, selection, and hiring practices. The District of Columbia Public Schools’ comprehensive, data-driven approach provides a strong example of what’s possible.

Adapted from the FutureEd report Right from the Start: D.C.’s Groundbreaking Teacher Hiring Strategy.

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How a Lady Editor Turned Teaching into a Majority-Female Profession https://www.educationnext.org/how-a-lady-editor-turned-teaching-into-a-majority-female-profession-sarah-josepha-hale/ Wed, 01 Sep 2021 09:00:34 +0000 https://www.educationnext.org/?p=49713871 Not only did women make better teachers than men, but they cost less, argued Sarah Josepha Hale

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If the female teachers of America had a patron saint, her name would be Sarah Josepha Hale. The celebrated 19th-century editor of Godey’s Lady’s Book is best known as the author of “Mary Had a Little Lamb” and for her campaign for the creation of a national Thanksgiving holiday. But Hale herself saw her paramount mission as education for women. Over the course of her half century of journalism, no issue of the periodicals she edited went to press without Hale hammering home her revolutionary themes: Women are the intellectual equals of men. Women deserve to go to college. Women should be able to work for a living.

Painting of Sarah Josepha Hale
Sarah Josepha Hale

Hale began her work in 1828, when only half of American women could read and there wasn’t a single institution of higher education that admitted women. The prevailing view was that women lacked the intelligence and moral stature to be successful teachers. Her advocacy helped change the national conversation about women’s roles—especially their suitability for the classroom. Hale believed that the two sexes had equal intellectual capabilities but lacked equal educational opportunities. A correctly educated woman could teach as well as an educated man. “There is no branch of learning taught in our common [public] schools, which females would not be capable of teaching,” she wrote. This was a radical idea in the 1820s.

Having run a successful school for small children before her marriage—not to mention her experience as the mother of five—Hale developed strong ideas about how to teach. She believed that children learned best when they developed at their own pace and that self-instruction, guided by a teacher, was the most effective way to absorb knowledge. Good teachers helped pupils learn how to learn. She believed, too, that young children learned best when they were entertained—that is, with music or lively stories that held their attention. “The business of instruction,” she wrote, must be “esteemed amiable.” It “must be divested of its associations of pretension and pedantry, and dullness and drilling.” Her educational theories aligned with those of Swiss pedagogue Johann Heinrich Pestalozzi, whose work she often cited.

Hale’s theories about how to teach were based on her concept of childhood, which she idealized as a time of vulnerability, openness and freedom. She believed that children were not mini-adults—as had been a prevailing assumption until recently. They were, rather, unformed beings receptive to a variety of influences, good and bad. It was a period of life when mothers, teachers and other adults with whom a boy or girl interacted had a responsibility to help shape the character of the growing child and set him on the right path. Hale filled the pages of her magazines with articles, short stories, and poetry that expounded on these ideas, which were progressive in her day, along with her theories about the value of self-instruction and entertaining pedagogical techniques.

Hale put her beliefs into action in her writing for children. Her juvenile poetry and short stories were a departure from the moral didacticism that characterized most writing for children until the early nineteenth century. Rather, they were child-centered and provided an engaging blend of entertainment and moral instruction. They almost always carried a message or provided some factual information, but they also engaged the imagination. (A now-forgotten verse of “Mary Had a Little Lamb” exhorts children to be kind to animals.)

Following the lead of Horace Mann, the innovative secretary of the Massachusetts state board of education, Hale advocated for the establishment of schools of education, or normal schools. If young women were to become effective teachers, she wrote, they needed a professional education in pedagogy and curriculum. She petitioned Congress to grant land to individual states for the establishment of free normal schools for women. Sixty thousand teachers are needed to educate the two million children who now lack the opportunity to go to school, she wrote to Congress in 1853. Normal schools were the most efficient way to prepare young women to become teachers. She also wrote to individual members of Congress urging them to enact legislation granting federal land to every state for the purpose of building free normal schools. The only way to meet the pressing need for public school teachers in the expanding country, she argued, was to train and hire young unmarried women. Not only did women make better teachers than men, but they cost less. Single women could be paid half the salary of married men.

She had made the same points in the 1820s, arguing that the only way the country could afford to offer universal education was to hire women, who would work for lower wages than men. She reprised the argument in the 1840s when she supported Catharine Beecher’s proposal to send educated young women from the East to the West to fill the pressing need for teachers in frontier towns. Unlike women, men had other career options, Hale rightly noted. Teaching wasn’t at the top of the list of men’s preferred work, when “The Great West, the mines of California, and . . . China and the East, are inviting them to adventure and activity.” Ultimately, Congress never enacted legislation providing land grants for normal schools.

In the 1860s, Hale also turned her attention to opening doors for women teaching at the college level. As a close adviser to Matthew Vassar on the founding of all-female Vassar College in Poughkeepsie, N.Y., she lobbied for the appointment of women to the faculty. Vassar was receptive to her idea, but the college trustees were skeptical that they could find qualified female teachers. The outraged editor had her scholar-son Horatio Hale write an unsigned article for Godey’s Lady’s Book scoffing at the suggestion that there was a lack of women with the intellectual and educational accomplishments to teach at Vassar. Just advertise, he advised, and you will have a flood of inquiries from qualified applicants. He also put forward the moral argument that an all-male faculty would send a discouraging message to scholarly undergraduates that they would be unfit to teach at their own college after completing their studies. Horatio was his mother’s voice here. She was having trouble with her eyes, and she enlisted Horatio, who knew her thinking, to write for her.  When Vassar College opened its doors in 1865, two of the eight professors were women. Of the thirty-five assistant teachers, thirty were women.

Hale’s advocacy on behalf of female teachers was just one of the many areas she pursued on the subject of women and education.  A strong advocate of early childhood education, she started what is sometimes called the first kindergarten in the U.S.  She founded the first daycare center for working women. She created the term “domestic science” and urged the creation of schools of home economics as a way to professionalize the work of women who worked in the home.  She urged readers to study chemistry, biology, geology, physics, minerology, and other sciences—subjects that traditionally were considered too taxing for the female intellect. She published reading lists and self-study advice for readers who wished to extend their knowledge and improve their minds. She pushed for public funding of institutions of higher education for women. She supported vocational training for women to learn specific skills such as nursing or needlework. Her magazines were the go-to source for learning about new schools for women, educational philosophy, teaching techniques, innovative educators, and more.

As for teaching, by the 1840s, young women were entering the profession in unprecedented numbers. By the 1850s, a majority of schoolteachers were women. Attitudes about female teachers had done an about-face, and the feminization of the teaching profession was under way.

The most recent data available from the U.S. Department of Education show that the public school teacher workforce remains about 76 percent female to this day. Economists, union leaders, and school boards may debate and negotiate over whether teacher pay nowadays reflects a gender discount that has persisted, and if it does, whether students have suffered as talent has flowed to other fields. There’s no question, though, that any student starting the school year in a class with a woman teacher is entering a learning environment shaped by Sarah Josepha Hale.

Melanie Kirkpatrick, a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute, is the author of Lady Editor: Sarah Josepha Hale and the Making of the Modern Woman, just out from Encounter Books, from which this article is drawn.

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